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17 A MARIAN WOJCIECHOWSKI OBITUARY.jpg

MARIAN WOJCIECHOWSKI

AUSCHWITZ NUMBER 50333

5/14/95 TEMPERANCE, MICHIGAN

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            My name is Marian Wojciechowski. I was born April 25, 1914. I was born in a small rural township, Polaniec; it was approximately 3,000 people. About one third of these people were Polish people of the Jewish faith. The rest were Christians, mostly Catholic. As far as I remember, the cooperation between Christian and Jewish people were very good and as long as I was there, I did not see or hear any problems between the people. The city was Polaniec, a historical site. Known through history since about the thirteenth century, between Warsaw and Krakow. Most of the people did agriculture. There were no good roads, only dirt roads, to go long distances was very difficult, some areas were sand, some areas were clay, and after the rain it was hard to go through. It was an area that was hard to get to and hard to get out. There were no special industries, except a few flour mills and a few wood mills, practically speaking there was no industry in the area. There was a market one day a week with horses or cattle. If demand was high, the prices were higher, if the demand was low, the prices were lower, sometimes there were ducks or geese. In the fall, these things were sent to the slaughterhouses in the bigger cities, first by horse wagons to the closest railway station which was ten to fifteen miles away.

            In the family I was part of, the oldest daughter, was already had her own family and they had a store. My next older sister and her husband were with us all the time, and she was working in a grocery store in Powanics, that belonged to his parents. Then was my brother who had finished school and was living in an area of Poland occupied by Russia. Then there was me. Then my younger brother that is now a Doctor of Sociology in Poland. I had four brothers, plus me, and three sisters. The family was quite large. My father was a small farmer, he did not have much land, so he leased some other land to help support us. He also took jobs for other people like for instance he took geese or ducks and transported them twenty miles. When my parents were in school it was Russia in control and they were only to learn Russian language, but he spoke Polish as well, although that was officially not allowed, that was against the Russian law. My mother understood that the future for the children was their education. My older brother was the first one to go to the high school. Most people only got three- or four-years education, Russia did not want the people educated. Girls should not go to school at all and boys only one or two from the family. The authorities thought that the less education the people had, the harder they have to work, and less time they would have to fight Russia for an independent Poland. The teacher in charge over there, when I was in fifth grade, said stay one year more in the fifth grade then you will be in the sixth grade, and stay one more year in the sixth grade, then you will be in the seventh grade, and then you can go to high school. In bigger cities they had already high schools, but it was five hours each way by wagon ride. They taught French, German, and Latin languages in the bigger cities as well. I admit, now that I look back, I did not want to pass the entrance test, because that would mean I would have to live there in this city with all these strange people I did not know.

I went to that high school, and it was 1928 or 1929. Before I left for the other city my parents told me, whatever you do, do it well, so you won’t have to do it a second time, because you did not do it right the first time. So, I was a good student. My father, in order for me to go to the school, had to sell one cow, to pay for tuition for the whole year, and every two weeks my father brought food, and clean laundry. My cousin went to the school and his father brought the food and laundry the next two weeks; they took turns. We lived in a house with sometimes seven of us, and the lady whose house it was, was paid to cook us two meals a day. After the first year began a depression and prices fell down and my father had to sell one cow every month to pay for my tuition. So, I got a job tutoring other students to earn enough to pay my tuition and expenses.

 During the first vacation, five of us were in what they call here the boy scouts, we went to Krakow, and then two of us went into the Tatras Mountains. We went so high that even in July the snow went up to your belt, almost 3,000 meters. We spent the whole vacation hiking, sightseeing, talking to the people, and I would say, also very educational to see how people lived, living outside in the pastures with the cows and sheep. After we came back, one of my first students was the daughter of the director and was one year lower than me. I teach her, but sometimes, I had three, four, five other students. I was very demanded, and I was very serious. I started sometimes six o’clock in the morning, because I lived in the student housing and would start them before they left for school. Sometimes I came home ten o’clock, eleven o’clock at night and tutored sometimes an hour, two hours, or three hours. I covered my tuition and expenses. My younger brother did not want to go to some other school, he wanted to go where Marian is, so he came to me, so both of us studied together. Later on, he went to the seminary to study to be a priest, and I finished the whole last year in the new gymnasium, they built a new building in the county seat an additional five miles farther. I finished the last year of high school there.

So, after the high school, what to do? Go home, it was still the depression time. I talked to my parents, they said, fine Marian, but we cannot help you. So, what to do? Friend of mine and my really good teachers, and the students that went to the same high school, but already finished studies, convinced me to go to Warsaw. So, I went to Warsaw to study coop commerce. The school was the best school in Poland, it was a private school. They not only had coop education but also, business administration, banking, accounting, and teaching commercial subjects, and so also for administration for governments. I went over there because I was from a rural area and we did not have good agriculture, and no facilities to store the grain, to store the meat, to store anything, so we have to start thinking of how to build it up. The only way to do that in Poland at the time was through the cooperative movement. So, I decided to be in the cooperative movement, but again, I didn’t have money. So, I had to full time work and full-time study. Approximately from eight am until 2 pm I was in school, listening to the teachers. Some of the professors see that you are present, so they thank you. I went to the lectures and made the notes. Approximately from three pm to six pm I was working. I was lucky enough to get a job in the coop movement office. The director over there that gave me the job said, whatever you have to do we will put on this desk over here. We don’t care if you do it during the day or at night, Saturday, Sunday, or any holiday, as long as it is done in two, three, four days. That gave me the flexibility to go to school and to go to work. After six o’clock I ate something, mostly a piece of bread with some bacon, some onion, and tea, because coffee was too expensive. That was three times a day, my food.

 

And then I went to the school back, to the library. I could not afford to buy the books because they were expensive, and the library was open until ten o’clock at night every day. Then it was less than a mile to go back to the dormitory for the students, I had a room for two. A friend of mine was living with me at that time was Polish but was of German descent and spoke German worse than me. His father at home only spoke German and was the owner of a furniture factory. His son was very liberal. When the time I went home, he was studying. I had a piece of bread with the lard and a cup of tea, and I went to sleep. At the time he went to bed, he wakes me, and I studied until the morning about six o’clock. Then I took a shower and shaved myself and took a ride with the streetcar to the school. That was normally, on Saturdays, Sundays, or any holidays, I try to go to the church for the service. Otherwise, I was either studying or working in the office. I got my master’s degree exam and passed in three years. I studied very hard, economics, law, business law, family law, and accounting. I was twenty-three when I got my degree, at that time I got notice in the beginning of September to go for military service, I was supposed to be there two weeks before my exam, so I wrote them a letter asking for a three week delay. I went to the school and showed them the letter that I am going in the military service to ask them if they will allow me to take the exam before the time.

I took the test, I passed, I still had one week, so I went to my father. At that time his health was in bad shape. He had an abscess in his stomach and at that time they did not make the surgery. That was 1937, and he died. I went into the service, they put me in a unit for future professional officers. Why to the cavalry? Wherever else I go, if I go to the army, I have to walk with all your gear on your back, in the cavalry the horse did the walking, just a little bit to rest. I finished the military service.

After I work, the first year I worked in a part of Poland that after the First World War belonged to Germany. They took me to the department where they make a mill to use over there. There were five to seven people steady working. I came to help them and to learn something and they pay me. At the time I came over there, two of them were on vacation and then later on somebody else had a sickness in their family so they went over there and there was an accident and they could not come back. It came to the point where the manager and me stayed both together in the office and wrote the reports, just the two of us, where before five and sometimes seven did the job before. Before I left, they made me an offer to not to go back to school, and they will pay me so much money that I wouldn’t even dream to go outside, approximately three times more than what was paid in the office. I would have to stay there, and I said no. I went back and worked in the office over there. I also helped at auctions and so on and stayed in the house of one of the secretaries of one of the offices over there. After the military service and working over there, the man from the company came over there to Warsaw to tell me the offer stays. He said, will you come to us? I said no, I do not care for money I want to help the people from where I am from, from my area and the poor families. I went to the coop businesses here to audit and see what is wrong and to give them a proposal to improve and see in the next year or two that these improvements were put in place. We were not financially, but morally, responsible for the prospering of this business. We were in the office, we only visited the business once a year, but we got the reports every month. And we had to check them to see how they were doing. I was around twenty-six years old, and I knew these people from when I worked there before. The youngest one next to me was forty-eight years old. He was working there at that time about eighteen years or so. I thought either I fail, which I would not do, or I need to learn to do that fast and do that well. It was about one year before the war started and I was one of the youngest and best auditors.

In the small towns and high school, there was no difference between the Christians and the Jews. We worshipped on Sundays they on Saturdays. We had our holidays, and they had their holidays. We were not so different; I knew some Jewish religious customs and the Jews knew ours. Since there were more Christians than Jews and they were living as Jews, going to the synagogue, and going to the church as well, and they were singing our songs there. When I came to Warsaw to study there was a very small percentage of students whose parents were bigger landowners or higher officials were more inclined to listen to the German or Italian fascist movement against Jews. At that time, there were sometimes fights beating up Jews, but as soon as that started the school was closed. Since school was closed and I could not go, I used that time to do my work in the office. There were people that said things against Jews showing how stupid their whole movement was. They would say Jews go away, but they meant the males, they still wanted to socialize with the Jewish women. It was insulting to the Jews, but once the war started, they saw the atrocities and that awaked them.

Then the war started, and I went to the war, I was called to go, and I was a cadet officer at that time. At that time, I was in eastern Poland near the German border. On September 1st, I remember well, there were about twenty-eight tanks coming towards us. Our weapon power could not reach them, they were to small caliber, there power was tremendous, and they were shooting at us. We had to fall back, and I lost some people from the attack. Our troops were very loyal and were fighting very well to use delaying tactics. We lost against them in one month. At the same time as we were fighting the Germans, the Russians came from the other side of the country, so we were fighting on both sides of the country. So, we gave the horses to the farmers, and we buried all the equipment and ammunition in the ground and got rid of our uniforms. The Russians were already taking the people out and sending them to different parts of Russia. They took me, but I escaped. Then I got close to the German area and was captured by the Germans, but I escaped again. So, I came to Warsaw. In Warsaw at that time, there was still hunger, it had only been a month you know. After the Polish army surrendered, there was still no food coming in. Food had to be brought in and organized. I came to my office over there, what was good was that I was at a German coop. They needed the coop because they needed a distribution center. So, the German in charge said to me, you work in the coop movement, so you can stay here, we will give you our passes, so no one can arrest or harass you. I was known in the coop movement, so a friend of mine and I started to bring some food in to ease the hunger. They gave me the papers and a friend, and I went to a big coop and told them what we want to do. They said, ok, I do not know how long I can do it, but so far no one has asked for an inventory of what I had. We had three horse wagons and we filled them with whatever was normal, like flour and potatoes and we drove day and night back to Warsaw and took the wagons to the office. Okay, what to do with that? So, we determined how many people were in the family, they could purchase so much, and the rest was to help others.

There were lots of people needing help, so we had to distribute carefully. The ladies cleaned the potatoes and made soup in a very big pot. When it was ready four of us carried it to the hospital to be given to the sick people. It did not matter who, everyone was hungry. We gave to the kitchen for the poor, everywhere people were hungry. When I went to the hospital, I saw my superior officer was there sick. Many soldiers were there and wounded. When the soldiers were well, they could go home, but the officers were taken to Germany. I went to my brother that was working in the area and told him we needed ID cards, I told him what for. So, we got a stack of ID cards and took them to Warsaw, it was already October, by then the secret organizations had already started. We told them to make an ID card for this officer. So, we got for the colonel an ID card that said he was a landowner in the area controlled by the Russians, we knew they will not check over there. His ID said he was a regular soldier. There was no electricity at the time, so we had to get lanterns and petroleum to use in the lanterns. We sold spices and other things to get money to buy these things. The Jewish agency in America sent tools so people could work, and what they did was to make and repair umbrellas. At that time when you had to go by horse wagon, if you had to go ten miles and there was heavy rain, you had to have umbrella. The demand for umbrellas was very high and to service them was also very high, because the high winds eventually tear them apart. You went to them and they had the parts to fix them. The people going to them were the poor farmers. Some did not have the money, so they brought to them the eggs, or milk, or cheese, or maybe a chicken and it was exchanged. In this way it was normal life. At the end of November, I was traveling through the forest and I see our whole cavalry unit on horses in the forest. They were fighting, but eventually they were all killed. That was the beginning of the war.

Powanics was very small, and on the corner, there was a building with the county offices. In front of the building was a covered porch and there were benches where you sit down. I go across the street, and I see this German man, and I knew him, because before the war, he bought from us a cow. The village was about one-half mile from my house. He saw me and said, hello, hello. We shook hands and he said, I am living here, third generation, my parents and grandparents are buried here. The church we have, the school we have is German. I do not know if I can live long enough to be buried here. He was at that time maybe seventy, seventy-five years old. The older ones were even scared. His son in law escaped from Poland and went to Germany and joined the SS and was trained, and when the war started, he came back and became one of the worst Gestapo man in the area. He knew language, he knew people, he knew customs, he knew where to go and what to do. He took revenge on anybody that ever wronged him even as a child. Finally, he was killed by the partisans, but that was not until 1943 or 1944.

As long as the people are not taken to the ghetto, they practiced religion, and were more religious than ever, because of the danger, people in danger are usually more religious. However, when they were taken to the ghetto, each move was controlled. So, the Jewish religion was stopped, before they could practice in their house, now in their room in secret. How bad it was, if I say one third of the population of Powanics was Jewish usually, later on it was about four thousand Jews in Powanics. What it was is they took Jews from other areas and put them in the ghetto in Powanics. In October 1942, the Germans killed all the people not able to work. Those able to walk were marched away to another town about twelve miles away, to a bigger town with a ghetto, some of them escaped. Christians could still practice religion, but they arrested and killed clergy that they suspected of working with the underground, or those who were against the Germans before the war. You could go to the church, but the church could not say one word against the Germans, because there was always someone there or suspected of being there.

There were a few cases where people told the Germans things so people would be killed or taken away, so the person collaborating could take over the property. The underground had some Germans working for them in the underground, they were not informants, they were just of German descent. When I was in Radom there was a factory owned by two German brothers that took horses or cows and made leather goods from them. One of the relatives living in Germany was in a high military position, he came to Warsaw to visit. The younger brother was arrested, because he was driving the company truck to deliver weapons from one point to another, for the Polish underground. They sent him to Auschwitz but in Auschwitz there was also a leather factory, and he was made a Kapo, which means he was in charge of things, but he was excellent. I did not know him personally, but later when I was taken to the Gestapo for interrogation, I was handcuffed to him together. I was beaten very badly. They asked me what I knew about him, and they asked him what he knew about me. Later on, they said you can talk about him because he is dead already, but I could not tell them anything because I did not know him. They told him the same thing about me, but he did not know me either. After the war we ran into each other and recognized each other and both of us said, you are still alive? Under normal circumstances we would be dead, but sometimes miracle happens.

I came to Warsaw and started to work in the coop movement again. We at that time got a German commissar, a man in charge, he was a man that worked for me before the war. This was no harsher for the people, we just do the same thing as before the war. We had to take care of all the coops that were already in existence and some of them were new coops, created just after the start of the war, maybe for special purposes, maybe underground coops. Sometime later a friend of mine that worked in the coop office came to me and said, Marian, I want to talk to you about something, confidentially. He thought I could help him. There was one coop created that they know is an underground coop. They had to have everything that is normally done for each one coop. Since I was the youngest one, since I was not married, since I had already had military service, it was riskier for them, than it was for me, so I could take the risk. They had families already and they were already involved with other undergrounds.  He said, you don’t have to give me the answer today, think about it and tell me tomorrow, when you answer I will tell the boss. The next day he said, so what is your answer? I said you knew my answer yesterday it is the same today; the answer is yes. I said, so who is in charge of the coop? I need to give them forms and by laws of the coop. He gave me some names. Some of the names I knew already from previous life. Some of them were sitting in other offices but were also involved over there. One of them had the same name as mine, first and last name, and we knew each other for about three years or so. He had a forestry education and he worked in the coop before the war in a farmer’s organization, he was Polish. So, I said, what do you need for the coop and what do you want to tell me about the underground? He told me what he needed for the coop and then he said, we would like to start issuing an underground newspaper, but we do not have the type setting equipment. I know the type of equipment could be purchased. The Germans took everything under their control, but Warsaw had been bombed, demolished, not completely but most of it. It was easy at the time when they came to the shops to say it was destroyed by the bombs. They could not prove that it was not destroyed but taken out and put somewhere for storage. I know that someone before the bombing took their machinery out to put in storage out in the countryside. But we did not have so much money for that. So, I said, let me see what I can do. During my time, one year before I finished my education, I was going to different coops in the area to audit them and I made some friends and they like me and some because they were young, we could understand each other very well. I was blessed in my life to having to deal with excellent people. With people you have to find a common language. I never took credit for anything; I don’t care who takes the credit. My credit is that that is done. For instance, I am doing an audit and I see something is wrong, so I tell the director if you change the bad method to the good method, I have done my job. Some of the older ones wanted to be important, that they did that and that and that. Sometimes the old people do not know the new method, so they like that and they like me for that. So I got to one of them that I did an audit over there for them, and I told him there is a man that has the same name as me that wants to put over there equipment for issuing an underground paper but they don’t have the money, can you help them? He said, how? If you have the grain and so much spoils that is allowed, if you have eggs, so much breakage is allowed, if you have any type of merchandise you can give to them to stay in your percentage to their coop. At that time, you could sell practically everything on the black market that you have to sell. He said, ok Marian as long as I won’t get in trouble and they will fine me, because I gave too much in losses. I said, I will take half as much as the normal losses so no one can say you had too much.

 So, I discuss it with a friend of mine, shortly after we took two wagons of stuff, merchandise, over there to the co-op in Warsaw and to the man over there and he said they told me you need money to buy, so Marian we sell all that stuff. And so, they make my wagon empty, so I come back home to work. It was based on at this time farmers contract. The farmers party, peasants party divided to groups what to give to the organization. So, what they did at that time, the underground, everyone wanted to prepare themselves, everyone thought that at that time, 1940, that as soon as England and France will fight with the Germans, they would defeat the Germans. So, when at the time when they start fighting in the West over there, so Poland has to be ready to fight with Russia and to whip Germany. So, we thought, no one will give us Poland, offer us Poland, so we have to fight for Poland. Every twenty or twenty-five years there was uprisings, to fight against Russia, against Prussia, Austria, so that was like one of that. It was normal life for children and adult people. So, 1939 or 1940 winter, the street cars circled Warsaw, and I was over there staying. From the very beginning the street cars were the front wagon, car was for transport for Germans all for them and everyone else in the back cars. If a boy was eleven or twelve years old at the time, he was selling newspapers, it was Polish but also printed in German, but so people buy because no one knows, so people want to find out. So, he gets on the streetcar steps they would take newspapers Polish and German, and he was selling them, there was a group of German soldiers and the soldiers from behind kicked him, so he jumped off the step. He said in Polish, so should I give you that back now or wait until after Easter. It was before Easter. People thought that by Easter it would all be over.

There were two types of underground movements, of course each one party they started to make small cells in the underground. Normally for the whole underground they had to take the oath and there was the form of the oath, and it was always the same what they swear to and so on. However, they do not know about him, but he knows about another one. Or children who going to school or classes they are too. So, the whole country belongs to the underground. There were cases where the women with the small child put the small child put the children in a small cart, small wagon, on a blanket, and under the blanket taking in the cart a machine gun. She risked her life and the small child’s life to taking the machine gun from one place to the other. Because it had to be delivered somewhere. I heard only one case, from a friend of mine, where his mother did not allow him to go to the Warsaw uprising, so she took and left somewhere to shoot. The children eight, nine, ten, twelve years old were used as carriers, between the people, the units, because nobody suspect them, even if they were caught, tortured, they will not reveal anything.

In my area where I worked, in my office was in the area called the general government. Poland was divided into three areas, one was the Russian area, one area was included to Germany, and one area in the middle Polish administration was there, businesses were still there, the schools were closed, and the college professors were called to a meeting, and were all arrested and put in a cart and sent to Auschwitz. The coop was in this general government area or was in the German included area. Each one of them had a commissar that was in charge of everything that was put there by the Germans to replace everybody. There came to me a German who I did not know from before the war, and he told me that he is in charge, he trusts me that if you tell me that someone can be trusted, I trust them. He came to me to ask who in each town he could contact from each coop to get food, whatever was needed. The less I know about who is in the underground, the better it is, because even if I was tortured, I could not say anything, because I don’t know anything. I did not know it at the time, but he was with Zegota, Zegota was set up by the government in exile in London to help save Jews. He was on the committee in Warsaw of Christians and Jews, and he was in charge of me. I told him where he could go to buy cheap, in each city. After the war, my younger brother gave me a book that had his picture and told who he was. At that time people tried to help themselves or help the other, Jews or not Jews, people needed help. That was long before the Jewish uprising or liquidation. The friends that I was friends with mostly died in Belsen and Auschwitz. I belonged to this coop and had an apprentice. I had surgery and took a week off and took a car to my brother. When I came back in March 1941, there was a meeting of the whole organization. I did not make it to the meeting, which ended up being a good thing, because the Gestapo was in where the meeting was to take place and were arresting people. I would say, that after they were arrested, they were tortured and the men were sent to Auschwitz and the women to Ravensbruck, all of them were executed. I knew at that time that they knew my name and would be looking for me. A friend of mine was part of another underground organization. I moved then away from Warsaw where they knew my name, about fifty miles away to Radom, where they did not know my name. I moved over there on January 1, 1942. We at that time had good papers, travel papers with photos. We connected with the German authorities over there, the coop, to get them the supplies they requested. At that time, if they arrested people on the street, they sent them to Germany to work, in factories, or farms, or wherever they needed. If I showed my papers, I could not be arrested for that. If you went to the railroad station to buy a ticket, there could be one hundred maybe two hundred people in line and there were only twenty tickets. If I went and showed my papers, I got a ticket right away. That was good for me and good for all the underground organizations because I could get the ticket and take information from one to another and I was not suspected. One day I had to go to a place on the other side of Warsaw. I went to the window and showed them my papers and was given my ticket. At that time the trains were running late, so I was waiting for the train and a man came up to me dressed in a jail guards’ uniform. He said t me, I see you are important, you bought a ticket without any problem, I have to go to work in Warsaw, if I wait in line, I won’t get a ticket until day after tomorrow. I beg you, could you buy the ticket for me? So, he gave me the money and I went to a different window, showed them my papers and they gave me a ticket to Warsaw and back. We were traveling on the same train, and he went his way, and I went my way.

I was asked by a person from another underground organization to help smuggle operatives in and out of Germany to gather or give information. I did that for about a year or so. A person I was helping, on one of her trips, suspected she was being followed, so she started to run. She had a fake ID card saying she was a German. She escaped into the hotel she was staying at. She wrote me a letter telling me how smart she was to escape. She mailed it and I received it, but it had been inspected and copied. At that time, they knew already my address in Warsaw, that same day they arrested her and her family, and went to my address in Warsaw to arrest me, but I was not there. I was staying at a friend’s place in a housing coop. The woman that sent the letter, had sent several other letters, and those people were also arrested. The Gestapo found out through one of them that I had moved to Radom. The next day they came to my address in Radom where I was living. The people I was staying with had a son that had Typhus, and there was a health order that no one should enter until the person had recovered for so many days. The Gestapo came and was knocking hard on the door and telling them to open, it was the Gestapo.  They started to shoot through the window and two of the Gestapo came in through the window. The family tried to escape out the back door, and another person from the Gestapo was there and shot the father in the leg. They said, where is Marian Wojciechowski? They said, behind that wall and pointed. They said, open the door, so they opened the door. They said, where he is? They said we do not know where he is, sometimes he comes here and sometimes he goes other places. At that time, I was at the coop working. They said, where does he work? They gave them the coop information. The next morning, they went to the coop office. They said we know from talking to the workers that the coop said they had so many people working, to protect them from being sent to Germany. So we want to check on each person listed as working here. They went down the list alphabetically, looking at each person and asking what they do. When they came to me, they asked where I was, and they told him he is in another town working. He was at two coops there, one for the big landowners and one for the small farmers. I worked with the German commissars that were in charge to let them know how much of each product was available, which they had to report to the people above them. I gave them usually less than what there actually was, and I wrote the reports in Polish and in German, so I was welcomed by them. A lot of times people that worked in the cemeteries could pass along information.

            I was supposed to train another man how to do my job. He said, Marian the commissar was here and said when you get back you should go to his office. So, I went to the commissar’s office, when I got there, there was a Gestapo man. The commissar said, Marian this man says he has orders to arrest you. I said why, what is this all about? The commissar said, I am trying to explain to him that we need you, you come here to do the job for us. He tried to defend me. The Gestapo man says, ok I will call my boss at my office here in the city. So, I got ahold of the person I was training and told him what he needed to complete. I gave him my briefcase and told him to burn everything in it in the fireplace without looking at what was in there. It contained information of who was in the underground and how things were handled with them. I had more materials with details on me and in the hotel, which I gave him to burn as well, while getting my suitcase. Then we went to Gestapo headquarters, and he said to me, we have to deliver you to the jail in Radom. He put my hands in the back in handcuffs and put me in a car to take me to jail. We came to Radom jail it was late night, and there were no jail activities, but the man from the Gestapo had to sign papers saying he arrested me. He left, and the person that was there was the man who I had bought the ticket for. He asked me, mister, what are you doing here? I said, they arrested me. There was a big iron wood burning stove in the middle of the room. He said whatever you have on you, put it in the stove. Except for the book about the coop, I put everything in there, all the letters, all the telephone numbers, everything. I was clean completely. This way later when they would question me, they could not find out anything from those papers. He then said, who do you want informed about your arrest? So, I gave him the numbers for my two brothers. So, I was at that time put in the jail, but for one or two days, I did not know what for. I was involved with many organizations, but I did not know which one they knew about. For the first two or three days they were allowed to get parcels with food. I was sent to a room that was called political and there was twelve or thirteen people, all of us were Polish. In each room there was someone that was an informant, so you could not talk about any political subject with anyone, to anyone you talk, everyone would listen. In a few days I received a tray of buckwheat. The Gestapo man cut it three or four ways to see if anything was hidden inside. As I was eating, I discovered a small piece of paper, I hid it and, in the morning, when everyone was still asleep, I covered myself with a blanket and read it. It just said that such and such family had been arrested. But I did not know which member of the family was caught doing what, I had no information. I was sitting in this cell for two or three weeks before I was called for an interview. A Gestapo man was there, and he spoke very good Polish and he said, I came here to talk to you. I said, okay, what about? He starts asking me questions about many different people and was writing notes after each one. I could not say I knew anything about anybody, because if I told them something they did not know, they would arrest more people and kill me anyway, so I told hm nothing. He was very polite and said, so you do not know why you were arrested, you are innocent, you do not want to tell us anything. About a week or two later he called me again. This time with him were two, big strong, men. After talking, they took me to the attic, where there was a beam connected to the rafters. They put a rope over the beam and put my hands behind my back and tied them together with the rope and pulled me up two or three feet above the floor, and then they start to beat me and saying, tell us, tell us, tell us. I lost conscious, they poured water on me, and again and again. They took care in how they beat me, they wanted to keep me alive so I will tell them things, they did not try to break my bones. It went on for two hours, they left me hanging and went out for a while, and then came back in and did it again. I prayed at that time for them to kill me, so I die, but I did not want anyone else to die. It was so painful, that in the future when they came and took me from the jail for the second time, to the Gestapo I was finished. It went on for hours again, the same as before. I was not controlling my bladder, I was not controlling my stomach, my heart was beating, just from the sight of them. They changed the beating people, but it was always two. Then the third time, they took me upstairs, the office over there did not speak Polish, but the beating people they spoke Polish. Sometimes they were in Gestapo uniforms and sometimes they took that off, it was May, June, so it was warm. The third time they took me for interrogation it was a man that told me, to me you have to tell. He was from the criminal police, and they could torture people to death. He said you are foolish, they have such and such letter from such and such person, that they wrote and gave you warning, and they have that letter, they know that you know. If you admit, they have the copy if you admit it, the beatings will stop. I said OK, and he took me down from hanging in the rafters and we went down and filled out the papers. I admitted to only that one letter, but what I knew about other things I did not tell them.

            Two years later I was in Gross Rosen, in the fall new people came to the camp. I was working there. I met on the street one of the newcomers, he said are you Mister Wojciechowski? I said yes. He said I am the son in-law of where you used to live in Radom. He told me what happened there, and he told me why I was not killed, because all those other people were killed. He told me that after I was arrested, they only had the copy of the letter, nothing else., since I did not tell them anything, they knew that I knew more than what I tell, but I did not cooperate with them. The coop office paid big money to the Gestapo not to kill me or send me to the camp with order to kill. The money was given to them by the secretary of the commissar in Radom, the commissar of the coop movement.

            When I was still in jail in Radom another week or so, after that they shipped me to Auschwitz. When they shipped me to Auschwitz, they informed my mother that I do not live anymore, they will not give my ashes or bones to her, but they gave her my watch, my identification card, and what I have with me and they say I do not live anymore. My mother, who was a very religious person went to the church and arranges a mass for me. So, the holy mass was held in the church, but my body was not in the coffin, but the coffin was there. They did not tell us we were going to Auschwitz, but we knew from the talk that went on in the jail.  To get to Auschwitz we went in cattle cars, there was only one door, and it was locked from the outside, there was very little air. When they loaded us in the cattle car, they were screaming fast, fast, schnell, schnell, schnell. We were not allowed to take anything with us but what we were wearing. Everyone in that cattle car was a total stranger. Everyone was a political prisoner with a red triangle and letter P. There were no Jews in the car, and in my experiences I had very little contact with any Jews. There were very little conversations going on in there, some prayers. We were very pessimistic, but we did not know much about Auschwitz, but we expected the worst. From Radom to Auschwitz was not that far and we finally got to Auschwitz.

            If I remember correctly, we came to Auschwitz on July 21, 1942. We wondered what was new, we were finally out of prison, out of torture, out of interrogation, at the same time we knew already what Auschwitz was, the question was how long and what. When the door opened there were guards and dogs and they were screaming get out, get out, and beating us to move faster. Everyone tried to do the best they could, even those that could not walk tried to run, to get in line. In a while outside we were counted outside the gate, and then we were allowed to get in. In our train there were only men, so there was no need for separation before entering. Once we were inside it was only anyone sick, is anyone injured, is there anyone that can’t walk, or is not fit for work. Most of the people in our car were underground people. Usually underground people were physically fit, some were disabled from the interrogation, but for the most part they were physically fit. There were not too many older people, mostly younger to middle aged. There were two priests working with the underground, I actually knew four that helped the underground. I knew many of them from my cell in the underground, somewhere between twenty and thirty people in one cell. So now we go inside. We were already told the entire transport would go to Block Eleven. Block eleven was death, block of death. The parcel of land that the block was on was roughly one hundred feet wide, then there was a courtyard and then another block. In that block, Block Ten, where they conducted medical experiments, for men, women, and children. Other parts of the camp had other blocks for medical experiments. Both blocks and the courtyard were about the same size. At the end of the courtyard was death wall, it was a wall where people were killed by shooting them. We were told Block Eleven was for quarantine, and for two weeks. 

            When we arrived and the train door opened, we were met with a lot of lights, and guards, and screaming. As you got out there were two rows of guards, and you ran between them to get to the people that got off before you to get to the gate. They were beating people, not for doing anything wrong, but as a general policy. When we got in, the first thing is we had to get undressed and give our address to all go in a box for our release, this was outside since it was summertime. Next was hair cutting, they used hand shears that we not to sharp or in good repair, it was more like they were pulling out your hair. There were around twenty people cutting hair in a line. Then you went in a group of around one hundred, to the showers. The shower room each shower head was a big circle that up to twenty people could get under. Once we got in, the work being done was being done by other prisoners. When we were done, we had to line up one behind the other and they gave us numbers. They asked your name and who do you want to write a letter to, I had not been living over there for ten to fifteen years. This way they know if you escape where to look for you or where to get information about you, it was also a way of control. My mother had already been informed that I was dead, so I could not write or receive any letters, and if I tried to write one, I would be killed. Then we went in a line into a warehouse, and they threw a uniform at you and gave you wooden shoes. They did not care if the uniform fit, you got a uniform, later we exchanged between ourselves. My number I was given 50,333. Then they took three pictures of everyone, one of the front and one of each side view, for their files. Then we were assigned to a block and mine was Block Eleven. I did not know at the time, that Block Eleven was the death block. Part of the basement was small cells, some so small you could hardly stand-up in. Some were bigger but packed with ten or fifteen people. On the first floor there was bathrooms, men’s rooms, and a sitting room. On the second floor was the room with the bunk beds, three, one above the other, the room slept a minimum of one hundred people. Not all the rooms in the building were for the prisoners, some in the basement and the first floor were for the Gestapo and military court, and administration. I did not hear of one person that was released from the court. They used it to try and get more information from the prisoner, and when there was no information, the judgement was death. When executions were to take place, they took all the prisoners out to the other side of the building, so they could not see what was going on. They took the prisoner to the washroom and had him undress, then escorted him to the Black Wall in the courtyard, after they were shot a commando, would take the body off to the side, while the next one was brought out. There was no resistance to this because it would mean beatings before being shot. Many hollered out, Long Live Poland, or Hitler Is a Pig, or something like that.

            Administration was done by the prisoners, under the supervision of the SS. The block was assigned an SS, who was the block Führer, the leader of the block. He did not stay in the block, he gave out assignments, if there was a problem, he was there, if there was shooting of the prisoners he was there. The other work was done by other prisoners. There were many nationalities of prisoners, but at that time there were not very many Jews in Auschwitz itself. Many of the Germans had a green triangle, criminal, the politicals had a red triangle, not willing to work had black, homosexuals had pink. Polish also had the letter P, French had an F, and so on. By looking at the prisoner you knew what kind of a prisoner he was and what nationality. The Jews, mostly, at that time were in a new camp a few kilometers away called Birkenau which means birch tree, because it was built in a forest of birch trees. Each block had a Block Alteste, the one under the SS, that was in charge of the block, he had control of your life and death. He could kill anyone with no responsibility for it. They were usually German criminals. Murderers became heads of the blocks. I was beaten so bad during my interrogations, that my right elbow hurt so bad I could not reach my mouth with my bread, I had to put it on a spoon to eat it. I was sure I was going to die it was just a matter of how and when. I had no feeling in my fingers, it was so bad I could cut myself, until I was bleeding and not feel that. When they said hat off, hat on, I could do it, but could not feel it. Sometimes I did not get it on properly and it fell on the ground, and I got hit for it. Then there was singing German songs, I knew German so I could learn them quickly, but people that did not know German got beaten for not knowing the songs. If it was not right, or not loud enough, you had to do pushups, and if you couldn’t you were beaten with a stick or kicked. I was not pessimistic, I thought somehow God will save me. I was not optimistic, but I did not give up. A week or so later, they took about 20 of us to the kitchen to get dinner. It was a soup with wheat, it had a few rotten potatoes and a few rotten beets. The kitchen was run by the prisoners also. I knew I did not have the strength to carry the soup barrels, but if I told them that I would be sent immediately to death. So, I worked my way towards the back of the line, so I was with those that did relief carrying. If I was carrying the barrel, it would fall on the ground, and spill the soup, and I would be killed immediately. One moment I looked up and a man was walking towards us, I recognized him, he was a friend of mine who was with me in the military academy for cavalry, officers’ school, he was my roommate. He was in a special camp uniform, better material, nicely tailored, a nicely shined shoes, and he comes to me and says, ‘Marian, you are here.’ We embraced each other, hugged, and he asked, ‘when I came there?’ I said, ‘such and such transport from Radom, and I am in Block Eleven.’ He said, ‘let me accompany you,’ he looked at the person supervising, and then said, ‘I will go with you.’ He asks who the block Alteste was, and he saw him, and they knew each other by name. My friend said, ‘this is my friend, please take care of him.’ The Alteste said, ‘yes, of course I will.’ My friend Dishik, said I will be back, and he left. About a half hour after roll call, Dishik came back with a whole loaf of camp bread and a half pound of margarine, and also, leather shoes, my size. In the wooden shoes if you are called to run, you cannot run, if you are wearing the shoes you are beaten, if you are not wearing the shoes, you were beaten, just to punish or torture the people. After we ate, some water and a potato for dinner, we divided that loaf of bread with some of the friends from the same transport car. Dishik told me, ‘I will try to transfer you to my block. I am the secretary from the block. A few days later, I was transferred to his block. He assigned me to work, go to this commando, every couple of days I was put in a different commando, mostly in the camp, taking care of the streets, or carrying somethings from one place to another. I was not overworked, and no one knew my fingers were bad. The time that I was in his block, it was like a miracle meeting him, no one beat me, or bothered me for no reason or any reason. My first Sunday in the block, I was out and seen some friends of mine from my life before the war. One of them was a tailor from the same street where I was born. His younger brother learned the trade so well he was one of the best tailors in Warsaw. The tailor wrote a letter to his mother that he and his friend Marian were ok. His mother lived three blocks away from my mother and they knew each other. She showed my mother the letter. The tailor had already been chosen to work in the tailor commando in the camp. Most of the prominence in the camp were nicely dressed, he took care of them, no charge, and this way no one beat him, and he would get bread and margarine, he was not hungry. In the wintertime you were in a warm place with no snow or rain on your head. You had to do the job, but you were safe, it was almost a guarantee of survival. He got lice and was sent to a block with people with typhus, because lice carry typhus. He had recovered and could of left the block but a nurse told him he should stay a day or two more to rest. The next day, the SS who thought the sick people were the source of the typhus for other people took everyone from that block, including the nurses, sparing only the doctors, and killed them.

            I was working still inside at that time doing different jobs, because of all the people I met up with in there, that I knew from work and before the war, I had an excellent chance of survival. I got sick with a high fever, so my friends took me to the infirmary. The Jewish doctor told me that they had used up the last of the medicine so he could not really help me, and that he had just gotten out of medical school before they brought him here. He asked me what I did, where I studied, where I learned to speak German, he was very friendly, during the conversation he took my temperature, and my fever was very high. In the middle of the room there was a reception area where they kept the records, next to my bed was a chart showing my fever. An SS man came, an older man, not old, but older man maybe fifties or sixties. He walked around the whole camp every day, where people were working, the hospital, all the buildings and he was marking down numbers of people that were to sick to work or not too fast to be healthy. If he seen someone not working fast, he would think, not too healthy, so he did not say anything to them, he just went to them and wrote down their number. Everyone had their number on the front of their uniform. Later on, he gave these numbers to the Political Department. He looked at my chart and he took my name. The Jewish doctor said to the German, he is sick with high fever and was sent here for observation. Sometimes when the block for medical experiments was too full, they would send people over there for observation.  If the German had asked anymore questions, he would have found out I was not one of them. The doctor risked his life by saying that. If the German would have found out he was not sent from medical experiments, he would have shot them both right there. I was lucky in life, that people risked their life to save me.

            After I left the infirmary, they took me to a block for new Typhus patients. At that time a friend of mine came, I worked with him in the coop movement, he had been so badly beaten during interrogation that his organs were damaged, he was one of our underground. He was very thin; he was thirty-five or forty. He was well known and had many contacts. He said to me. ‘Marian I will die, either from the beatings or they will shoot me, from an order from the Gestapo.’ Many people sent to camps were sent with an order to kill them. A few months later I asked a friend about him, and he said,’ He does not live anymore.’ My fever was bad before I recovered from the Typhus, one of the nurses told me, ‘if you eat before the fever is over, you die.’ There were maybe twenty people in there, but when they brought food they only brought enough food for fifteen or ten. Since only a few people could eat, it was enough food for them. At that time, after the beatings, after the hunger from jail, after the high fever and hunger there, when you see potatoes laying in front of you for an hour or so, and you can’t eat them because you will die, it was torture, but still I didn’t eat, and that is why I survived. I survived and I came back to the block of my friend. He took very good care of me; he told his assistants to leave me a second portion of food. After I eat one scoop of soup, I had another scoop. He brought me an additional piece of bread. I had to work, so a job came open for the camp post office. The camp was not only for killing and slave labor, but the post office was for prisoners, people that worked in the camp, and for military mail in the East. They stored all types of military building supplies there, pipes and fittings and anything that was needed, in charge of that was a civil engineer, not SS, not in uniform, and he needed an accountant. My friend said, ‘okay Marian, I will put you over there as an accountant.’ He knew I was an accountant, and he knew that I knew German language. The engineer was with me, just the two of us in a room in the field with stacks of papers and cabinets. He said, so where are you from, where did you learn accounting, where did you learn German language, what are you there for? I answered the questions and told him I knew someone that may have been involved in the underground, but they took me too. He asked me what I had for breakfast, what I had yesterday for lunch, what I will have today for supper? The next day he left a sandwich, bread, and jam, on my table and he left, he never looked inside while I was eating. Sometimes he was there only in the morning and sometimes twice a day, but he always brought stuff from home and left it on my desk.  It helped so much one piece of bread with jam or two pieces. I was safe with my friend in the block and safe at work. Before I went for that job, my friend said, I will make you an assistant in charge of the block. These people can shoot the prisoners and no ne was accountable to no one. I said, ‘no’. He said, ‘why not?’ I said because at some point I will have to hit someone over the head. Sometimes people behave bad or steal something and you have to punish them for that, I don’t want to do that.’ He said, ‘Marian, while you are here, you are in a position of authority where you will sometimes have to beat them or kill them, or you will be beaten, there is no in-between.’ I said, I will take my chance, I do not want that.’ I turned him down, and he understood that, because he knew me. That is why he found me the job of accountant. It was so fine, I came back a little from the Typhus and said, ok I can survive. We did not work Sundays, part of the day Saturday, but not Sundays. So, Sundays I was in the block free. On Sundays some commandos worked, ne commando Kapo came into the block and said to the Block führer, and Block Alteste I need fifty men. So, the Block Alteste went with his hand, one, two, three, four, five, go until he got to fifty. He took me and assigned me to, outside, there were drainage ditches, and we had to clean them and deepen them, make them deeper. The water in the ditch was up to your knees and it was the second part of November, the water was cold, freezing cold, no ice, but very cold. We worked the whole day in the water up to the knees. At the end of the day, we were sent to the block. The next day I went to work, but I was sick. I was so sick on this day that I could not work at all. I was sick with pneumonia, pleurisy, edema, and inflammation of the kidneys. My friends took me to the block and standing in the doorway was another friend of mine who was an assistant to the tailor, I remember him, short man, very very nice. He had taken over as tailor for the block, the prominent, of the medical blocks. He took me to help me as much as he can. I think, thanks to him, they put me on the bed, in the middle, I had a bed to myself. Many people there were two and sometimes three in a bed. Secondly you need to know, they did not have any medicine, he had a friend in the camp pharmacy smuggle in medicine for me. The third thing you need to know is, I gad water in the lungs from the pneumonia, so they would but a pump in with a syringe and draw the water out. They laid a blanket on the floor and laid me on the blanket and put a blanket over me. They took a barrel that went from my waist to my throat and cut it in half.  They attached a light bulb inside it and put it over my chest and plugged it into the electricity. All this heat from the light bulb, after a half hour the blanket was wet. I had sweat it out, so I survived. This was a brand-new treatment. I still had a high fever and I still sometimes lost consciousness. At the time the Unterscharführer was going through the blocks looking for the people that were to sick to work. He took the names of these people and gave the list to the political department, and they took them to the gas. He came almost every day he came to that block. I remember twice it happened a friend of mine with some other men took me out of the bed and put me on the floor in a corner and told me, ‘Don’t move.’ At the time when the Unterscharführer came to get the numbers of the people too sick to work, I was laying in the corner of the dead. He did not check if I was alive or dead, because who could imagine something like that. After he left they took me from the corner and put me on the bed. That was around Christmas time 1942. At that time, I was feeling half well enough to go back to work.

            From time-to-time friends of mine came to visit me and when I had a clear head, I could understand them. My friends told me what was going on in the camp. One of my good friends, Dishik, that had helped me out a lot earlier in the camp was shot by the SS in the camp. Dishik did very much for me, getting me jobs I could handle. He transferred me from block of death to his block. Why, because he had the connections with the underground in Auschwitz. The people that participated in the underground, had their own underground in Auschwitz. In Auschwitz one person in the underground was responsible for the medicine that came into Auschwitz. In Poland, located near Krakow, Krakow had the very good hospitals over there, very good doctors, and before the war there were some very good factories over there with medicine or laboratories. For some sicknesses or so, some medicines were needed and there, they were easy to get. There was a medicine that helped all stomach ailments like dysentery, if you got that in the camps, you will die, there was no cure for it in the camps. They made a pill from corn that helped or if you burned toast until it was almost gone, and ate that instead of regular bread, that would help. Some sicknesses could be minimized, or on the black market some farmers may have still had some medicines, stored or hidden, they would sell. The underground would buy or steal the medicines and deliver them to the camp. Dishik was given a list of medicines that they needed. He gave this list and a special letter to a prisoner that worked outside the camp with civilian workers, sometimes in industry or factories, and they had our people in over there. There were civilian engineers, electricians, brick layers and such from around the area within twenty miles of the camp, and they came every day to work. So, the person with the list and letter gave it to one of them, to give to someone else to take to Krakow. It so happened that someone had seen that, or knew about that, and told that to Germans. This man who had the list and the letter was searched before he went home, and they found that. During the interrogation, they beat him so badly, he told from which prisoner he got that. They beat that prisoner so bad that he told them who had given him the list and letter, and that was Dishik. They arrested Dishik and two other men that worked with him. If I would have been there and not in the hospital, I probably too would have been arrested because I was so close to him every day. They were tortured badly in Block eleven, not one of those three gave any names, and they knew many names. They were killed over there but did not reveal any names. Due to the help, due to the friends, I do not know how long I was over there, a few weeks, I was soon released from the hospital. As soon as you do not have a fever for one or two days, they say okay you are okay. Then you go to work, whether you are able to work or not able to work was immaterial. I do not remember if it was Saturday, they released me and I spent all day Sunday on the block, or if it was Sunday and Monday I go to work. At that time, I was taken to the block with some help of friends of mine, but not to the block I was assigned. I was taken where I had to sleep on the second floor. I did not have the strength to climb the stairs, so I crawled up on my hands and knees. When I went to work, Dishik was no more, so I went back as a regular worker, that had to do what they tell me to do. It was outside work, there was an Oberkapo, a few kapos, and supervisors. A supervisor tells me what I have to do. There were fresh cut boards, they had to be stacked up to dry. At the time they were already two floors high, the people on the bottom had to hand the boards up and the people up, had to take them and stack them overlapping, so there would be air in between until they dry out. If you remember, the day before I was not able to walk up the stairs. It was freezing cold, really cold. The snow was very light, but very cold and it was windy. I was somehow able to get there, and a kapo said to me, ‘you go up and you will stack that. First thing is, I do not have enough strength to climb there. Second thing, I do not have enough strength to pull them up there. Even if I do nothing, I will freeze to death over there, because it is so cold. If people have enough strength to move, they stay warm, but if you just do nothing, you do not last too long. I remember I said to God, if I go over there I die, they don’t care who dies. Besides if I go back to the camp for lunch or dinner, we go to the camp. If I go up there, I will be frozen, I will freeze, then going into the camp, they have to account for me. So, if I freeze up there what they will do is just push me off from one or two stories high, I will be dead already, but how will I be looking. If they want to kill me right here, let them kill me right here, why do I have to go over there to kill me there. I simply decided at that time, that it is my time, I will die now. If they see me not working on the ground floor, they will kill me. I do not remember how long I was standing there when I see two people coming towards me. One of them was Bloody August. Bloody August was the Oberkapo, he was tall and skinny, and anytime you saw him, he was punching someone or kicking someone. For him, killing people was the question how many a day. If Bloody comes to me, he will finish me with one or two punches, he was always beating people. It happens to be, before he stops on me, he was seeing something else over there that was wrong, and he went over there beating the man over there. The other man was going to me. It was a law, anytime a kapo or Oberkapo or SS comes to you, you have to take your hat off and stand at attention. I say die, I did not take my hat off. That brought his attention to me, at this moment, that was the engineer that I worked for. I was looking very bad, but he came to me simply because I did not take my hat off. He looked at me and said, ‘Marian is that you?’ I said, ‘yes.’ He said. ‘What happened to you? You did not come to work.’ So, I told him what happened to me. He said, ‘what are you supposed to do now?’ I said, ‘I am supposed to go up there, but I do not even have the strength to walk over there, I will freeze to death.’ He says, ‘come with me.’ I followed him and he told a kapo that he was taking me, to mark it in the records. He took me to a big workshop of construction equipment, some stayed outside and some inside, very big. He took me to a corner where there was a Polish engineer that was in charge, I did not know him at the time, but I got to know him, he made airplanes and weapons before the war. He said to him,’ I am going to leave this man here, and you are responsible for his health. If anything happens to him, please let me know, you know where to find me. It was quiet, fine. He did not know who I am, he could see the P on my uniform, but did not know if I was a spy or something. I sat next to the stove, it was burning, it was warm, I was warm. He asked, ‘would you like to have a piece of bread?’ I said, ‘yes.’ He gave me a piece of bread and said, ‘you can make bread soup so you will warm up inside, you can make it hot on the stove.’ If you eat the dry bread, you feel it, but it is not warm. If you heat the water on the stove until it is almost boiling, then you break up the bread and put it in the water, you make warm the whole inside of you. The first day I did nothing, I was just sitting there. He took my name, my number, and my block number. At the end of the day he said, ‘okay, you go back to your commando to be counted when you get to the camp, and tomorrow morning I will see you here back. I came back in the morning. I did not say anything to anyone about that. And he did not tell anyone about me, and I was in his block from the beginning of January until the beginning of March. I was too weak to do anything. If he was asked and he told them the chief engineer said I should stay there, no one would say anything. I was getting strong enough to move around. A friend of mine came in to get some tools and I helped him, I helped other ones too, so I felt a little bit useful. I wanted to have the people on my side. When I was in the warehouse, but still in bad shape, it was cold, but not freezing ground, so the ground was mud and you had to hurry, fast, fast. I see a man lying in a pile of mud. Either he was too weak to get out or didn’t want to get out, I couldn’t even think what happened why. They were saying schnell, schnell, and he was by another area, and I had to get to my place because they were counting over there. We were counted three times, by three different people. If someone was dead or unconscious, they were taken out to be counted. From over there where the man was laying, I heard a voice speaking in Polish with a Jewish accent, he said, ‘oh god come,’ a minute later I heard, oh god come, again. He then said, ‘where is my god, where is my god?’ Everyone could hear him. A few minutes later, ‘where is your god?’ Then, ‘where are the fucking gods?’ What kind of despair that, to say that out loud where everyone could hear? There are many things I can tell you about Auschwitz. Let’s say they were going to take you to the bathroom, an SS man, not a higher up, but lower, he watched how we behaved. All of us were thin and odd color. I could see that SS staying over there, we were lucky. One time they took us for washing and to check for bumps from insect infections. We had to take off all our clothing and put it over there in a special place and remember where we put it, so we went next to the washroom, took the shower, went back to the block, and we had to stand outside until the activities with our clothes were finished. They were killing people for having insects, but there was so many, you could not get rid of them. I knew what Auschwitz was about two or three days after arrival. I knew they were killing people because what we had seen in the courtyard and they sent us there with an order to kill us. Everyone had a sentence to be killed, but I did not know about that for a couple days more, because nobody talked about that. We did not know about the mass killings at Birkenau for quite some time. Unless you trusted somebody, you did not talk too much, because the SS had their spies among your friends. They always could find someone speaking Polish that they could put in blocks or commandos, who eventually reported what was said. It was not possible to practice religion except silent personal prayer. There were priests over there, but if they know any of them was taking confession or saying things for the holidays, they would be taken immediately to the death. At Christmas time, in Germany they had carols, even the most criminal ones remembered carols from their childhood, we sang a few carols in German, so the Germans did not object to that. From the day of my arrest until the eighth of May 1945, I was not allowed to pray. In the jail I was thirsty, but in the concentration camp, if you were in a commando that worked outside the camp with the sunup, you had to wait until you got back to camp to drink, that was bad. In my circumstances there was enough water to drink. There were some joyous moments, when you find someone over there that you knew. Also, when you knew, someone was trying to bring something into the camp and they did not search him, that was a joyous moment. Arbeit Mach Frei meant work will make you free, but that was a joke, if you worked you would die, so you would be free. I did not have anything to do with Canada because that was in Birkenau. A Musselman was the worst, it was people like me when I could not go up, they were resigned of everything and they were a skeleton with skin on it, he did not care about anything, even beatings he did not respond to. There was something called organizing and there was also stealing. If a person worked serving the Germans and he took something from there, to be used in the camp by him or his friends, that was called organizing, but it did not hurt any prisoners. If someone did something that hurt other prisoners, this was stealing, something you did at the expense of another man. The Germans made people to pushups or jumping jacks as sport.

When I was feeling much stronger, I could take the cattle car transport. They put me on a transport to Gross Rosen in March 1943. The train only took us to the village, not to the camp, we had to walk one to three kilometers to the camp, which was not near the train line. We knew at that time, that we were going from one camp to another, but we didn’t know to which camp. We came at night, but not late night, people had not gone to bed yet. It was March so it still got dark early, but the village kids were still out. The SS and the dogs were on both sides of us as we marched through the village. The children were throwing stones at us and calling us bandits, and the SS did not object to that. When we got there, there were two blocks, barracks, empty for our transport. We had to be counted and accounted for, and it was night, so the person that was supposed to sign for us was not there because it was night. Everything was being arranged for the block, the Block Alteste and his assistants. Some of the people from Auschwitz were kapos there and wanted a position of power in Gross Rosen. The next morning, we had to stand in line again and give in our clothing, we got a new number, Gross Rosen was originally the camp of Sachsenhausen, an outside workplace of theirs. The time I was there, it had already become a camp of itself. My new number was 8524. They told us you have come here, if you are working you will live, if you are not working you will die. The worst thing over there was the quarry, for granite, they cut the stone, you had to take the stone down to a special place where they made crosses or monuments, and you had to do it fast or you got beating. If you were not working fast enough, and you were four stories high, they beat you, until you fell down and were dead. Some people jumped on their own, and died to escape the pain from the beatings, some of my friends did that. After ten days, two weeks, a friend from a different block said to me, ‘do you want to go to an outside commando? If we stay here, we work in the quarry.’ There is a small town we will go to, and we will build a textile factory, where they make cloth. We got two SS with us. There were civilians working with us, if the regular people needed sand or steel, or something, the prisoners had to run fast. Kapos and SS was watching that and if you dd not run fast enough they would beat you. I was in the lucky position that I was the carpenter. We were preparing the wood, if you wanted a concrete wall, we built a wall on one side and then the other and then they would pour the concrete between these two. It had to be done very well, so the walls would not buckle out. The ceiling was cement also and had to be supported by two by fours from the floor up. It was plywood and the seams were sealed and then the cement was poured in, and it had to be strong enough that it did not fall down, because we would be responsible for that. That was an easier job, not an easy job, but an easier job than the quarry. We went there at the end of March and came back in November.

Again, it came that they needed a secretary, like in Auschwitz. The secretary had to work and be the secretary, because there was not enough work as only a secretary. They had brought someone from another block to be the secretary, he was no secretary, he knew how to read and write and spoke German but that was all. The commando fuhrer gave him a few punches. He then said, ‘who wants to be the secretary?’ No one wanted to be the secretary, but someone said, Marian. He said, ‘who is Marian?’ I raised my hand and he said, ‘from now on, from right now, you are the secretary.’ I could not tell him no. He told me he wants me to wash the floor in his quarters. I said, ‘okay, but I have never done that before, I do not know if it will be right or wrong.’ He started questioning me, ‘Where did you go to school? What degree did you get? What work did you do before?’ So, he liked my job with the floor and said I would do them all the time. One time I helped him because he was in bad shape. The Block Alteste, a German criminal, had reported him for leaving work and going to the house nearby and having relationships with a German girl over there. When the headquarters found out about that, they sent a new Block Alteste, new assistants, new guards, and a new commando fuhrer. We were short on paper, so I was told by the SS, to use both sides of the paper for the reports. The Block Alteste came running to me, I was in a commando over there, and says, ‘Marian, what did you do? The commando fuhrer says your reports are bad.’ I found out that the commando fuhrer was looking at the wrong side of the paper and told him, I was told to use both sides of the paper. The war was going on and it was 1943. We got word that an international committee wanted to know what was going on with concentration camp prisoners. We were then told every prisoner had to write a letter home. I told my Commando Fuhrer that I was told if I wrote to anyone, I would be killed. He said, ‘I will check.’ In two hours or three, he came and said, ‘do not write it. The work was not far from the building we stayed in at night. The camp was, Jewish girls, there was already a factory built and they were working in there. We were already so tired that nobody thought about the girls. You could not help them, you could not talk to them, and you could not be in touch with them. Sometime in the fall, we were finished over there, so we took down the wood, the cement was ready. At that time, they requested us to come back, the whole commando. After I came back to Gross Rosen, I was not the secretary no more, I was in a commando of carpenters. There were two types, those building furniture and finishing them, and the other building walls, building roofs. Our work was both outside and inside. First you built the frame and then you put on four by eight sheets that were already insulated. More and more people were being sent to the camp for a short time and then being sent to work commandos elsewhere. They were selling our slave labor to the factories and management got paid for it. We were told that, twenty barracks, fifty barracks had to be built tomorrow, as soon as possible. Since it was outside it was supervised by the SS that were always saying, schnell, schnell, fast, fast. After we got the outside done, we had to go inside and put the walls on the inside up, fast, fast. Outside it was cold and windy, inside it was hot, not from the temperature, but from work. Then when that was done, we had to go on the roof. I got a cold, A Polish supervisor I knew said something to me and I grabbed my throat and told him I cannot talk. He said, ‘Marian, you have a cold. You cannot stay here and do nothing, so go to the infirmary for two or three days. When you recover come back. We need you here, but you need to get well.’ I do not know how they did that, but they have connections, so I was accepted at the infirmary. They did not have any medicine, but they gave me hot water with some potatoes in it, soup, put me in bed and I could sleep. It was warm and no one was beating me, so I could rest a little bit. I stayed there for two days more, and then an infirmary kapo came, doctors were there, but had to listen to the infirmary kapo. When the kapo asked about me, the doctor told him, and the kapo said I could stay one more day. The next day the Kapo came to me and said, ‘you speak pretty good German. Where did you learn German?’ I told him. He said, ‘at the camp office they need a postal person that knows Polish and German.

            A job was open at the post stellar, and I was talking about it with the Oberkapo in Gross Rosen. Speaking with him he asked me what I have done before, my jobs, so I told him. He asked me why I was working with the carpenters. So, I told him, I know business administration, accounting, and things like that, but I know carpentry because my father was a carpenter and he taught me. He went and checked my file and checked with the political department over there, and the political department agreed that I could work at the post office. The post office had two parts, one was with letters, and one was with packages. I was not to work with the letters, the letters coming into the camp, the letters being distributed, or the letters going out from the camp. I was only to work with the packages. The packages were sent to the town of Gross Rosen and were brought to the lager to go to the people that were allowed to receive packages. The package had to have the full address of the sender, but what it was, it could be a true address or an imaginary address. If someone had been arrested for being in the underground, they could be being kept over there for further investigation, so they did not give their real address. The person getting the package, it had to have his name, this camp inmate number, block number, room number in block, and the name of the camp. These packages were a matter of life and death, because with the food in the camp, you could only last a few days or weeks, t was simply not enough. Each piece of bread could satisfy his hunger and his needs. If he got more bread than he could eat in one, two, or three days, he ate more of this bread or gave to his friends. The family did not get a receipt for the package, but the package did not come back, so they got ready to send a second package. Families and organizations created to help the people like that, if they knew the address, they would send meat, like sausages, those were expensive packages. Most packages were a loaf of bread, a large onion, and smoked bacon, so it would not spoil. If you took the juice of onion or garlic and you had a wound on the leg or hand and you put that on, it was healing. So, it was good for the people, if they ate the food they got from the packages, they gave their own food, the soup, they did not need that anymore, they gave to the friend.

            The packages came with all that information, I put it down on a piece of paper and I check that, to see if the information is still correct. If someone died, their number was given to someone else, so first the number had to match the name. Sometimes the number was a number from another camp, not our camp, so the block number would also be different and the room number in the block as well. It might be the same name. but there might have been fifty people with the same name, and they were all dead already. If they looked and couldn’t find it immediately, they did not look, because the workers over there did not care, they were not being paid, they were given food just for being there. So, they would send the package back with a stamp on it saying the address was not correct. Sometimes instead of sending them back, they gave them to the SS, who opened them and decided who to give stuff to. The packages that were going to be delivered, were opened, and inspected by the SS, who might only leave part of what was sent, and they would take part of it. It depended on the conscience of the SS person doing the inspecting. After all the packages were distributed, and there were a few packages left, those that were not sent back saying the address was not correct, were then given by the SS to all those working for the SS, like spies, or people in higher positions, or to kapos that got extra work out of their crews. Sometimes a small portion was given as a snack to keep you alive or to keep you working to post stellar workers.

            Our job was first to check the name and then the number. That was done in the secretary’s office of the camp, in the prisoner’s area. Sometimes there were more than one person with the same name, and the sender was now in the Russian controlled zone now, so you had to go to each of them and verify the names of people that would have sent them packages, to find the right one. You did not find too many people that would go on their free time, instead of sleeping or visiting friends to do a job like that. I would write the information on a piece of paper in the secretary’s office, and then once or twice a day the Block Alteste took the paper to the prisoner and told him, you have a package, don’t forget about me when you get it. What I did sometimes is I took the paper and the package and after dinner would deliver it to him myself, so the middle person was skipped, and the prisoner got the whole package. For that, I never took a piece of bread, or cake, or anything, from anyone. Usually there were only three of us, two Germans and myself, I was there because I knew the language. Later, we got a thousand people, a whole transport from Majdanek. In the spring of 1944, we got a whole cart of packages, all of them from Majdanek, there were several hundred packages. The names were correct, but none of the address information was, because they were sent to Majdanek. The SS and our boss said to send them all back to the sender, stamped not correct address. The sender would think their loved one was dead. Our region was not prepared for them, because they came to us as an evacuation, so we do not have work for them or food for them. The next morning, I suggested to the kapo that we match the list of packages to the list of new arrivals and if they are still alive, we know where they are because they are in quarantine for two weeks, we can deliver them, that would have to be done in the secretary’s office which was half office and half SS living quarters. I was also living over there, so you can imagine how well I have it at that time, no one beat me, we were allowed to go to the office part, we did not stand out in roll call, and we were not cold. No one else wanted to do that, so I said, I will do that. I said, after I finish work, I will go to the office, and I will find all the numbers and blocks. I would need to have access to the files and approval from everyone in charge.

The next day it was approved and every day, after work, I worked on that until eleven or twelve o’clock in the evening. I worked on all of the packages up to the last one. All of the packages were distributed. Most of the packages came to two brothers, and they were very good packages. I could not deliver them immediately because I had to verify the sender information. If I told them what town it was from, they might not know anyone in that town, but the people may have moved there to escape the Russian occupation. When I told them the senders name, they immediately gave me the address, so I could deliver them the packages. I told them to write a letter to them to give them the new inmate number and block information. They wanted to give me something, they would give me a whole package because they had enough. I said, no, my rule is I do not take anything for doing this. They said, okay you are crazy, but ok. Later on, they paid me for that by maybe saving my life. I did the job, everything was delivered, and my Kapo over there, and the SS in charge over there, and my friends over there that knew I was not taking anything for that, their opinion of me was rising. It took me about two weeks, working on it every night, to do the job. After the quarantine, the ones from Majdanek were sent to other camps, but new people were coming from other camps in the east, like Auschwitz, so more and more packages were coming to us. Because of this more people were hired to work in the post stellar. They hired one person I already knew, a very fine man, and two other people.

A friend of mine came up to me and said, ‘Marian, you need to watch yourself, there is a person that comes to you as a friend. When you are at lunch, he is around you, when you are off work, he is around you, when you are at roll call, he is around you. He is a German, and he is spying on you for the SS, and giving them reports on you.’ He gave me the name, but I knew already who it was. Because I was a political, with the past underground experience, I knew that you do not trust anyone unless you have to, so I never told him one thing. From that time on, knowing what he was, I was twice as polite as before, and twice as secretive as before. After a while he came to me and said, ‘a friend of mine came from another camp with a death sentence, so he will be allowed to live for a while and then be killed by injection or shooting, mostly by injection. If he could be transferred to somewhere, he would not be killed that would be good. Do you know where there is a job where they are not killing people?’ I had to find something, a piece of paper to give to the man in charge over there of distribution of work, I said, ‘you know what, here is a man that I know, I am hoping he could be transferred to a commando where he won’t be killed.’  A few months later I was walking by the office, and I saw him in the courtyard, and I knew he had been called back and he would be executed. This man that did the distribution of work tried to help. I was able to help 8 cases where I got people transferred to less danger. Then the person was being called for execution. How many of them survived because of that, I do not know? One day I was going to lunch, and I saw him in the courtyard too. He had been arrested, and beaten, but not killed, and they got the names of the people that came to the camp with the death penalty.

Before that, I believe it was the beginning of March of 1944, there was a commando going to close to Poland, there was a friend of mine that I knew from before the war, then from Auschwitz, then he came to Gross Rosen, he was going there as a male nurse. He told me he was going to try to escape. He tried to get me to be relieved from the post stellar and come with him, but they told him no. He escaped and went looking for food. He went to a barn of a farmer, that happened to be a German that worked in Poland. He let him sleep and he brought him food, in the morning, he told him he did not have to go. The farmer called the office at Gross Rosen, and they came and took him back there and they beat him terribly. He was sent to a block where for the Block Alteste to kill someone meant nothing. So, I went to another block and asked the Block Alteste if he would get my friend transferred to his block and let me bring him food. He said, ‘why would I do that?’ I said, ‘twice as much will be for you.’ He responded, ‘if you do that for me, I will help him.’ I was always nice to the Germans, I never called them names or said they were bad or something. I said, ‘maybe if you do something good or something, maybe God will do something good for you someday.’ The Block Alteste where he was still, was a killer, but he had a Pieple. A young boy boyfriend, the Alteste would kill anyone, but for this twelve or thirteen-year-old boy, he would go to Hell.  I knew this boy, and he knew me, we came from Auschwitz together in the same transport. So, I asked him, ‘will you do me a favor, will you ask your Alteste not to beat my friend, and I gave him his number?’ He said, ‘yes,’ and he did, and my friend never got a beating. Soon after there was a transport going to another camp. I was friends with the people in the office and asked them to put this one and another one on this transport, and I was successful. At that time, I was trying to get food for my friends, bread, sugar, to help them stay alive. I knew what commandos they worked at, and which ones used up the most energy, that needed food to replenish it. My best one was very big, six foot four or six, two hundred fifty, eighty, maybe more, pounds. So, where do you get clothes for a man like that? I found them, and it was a regular camp uniform like mine, with everything already sewn on the way it had to be. He worked in the sonder commando and was leaving on the transport. Sonder commando uniforms were red, white, and blue stripes that went across, not up and down. I told him to go put them on under his sonder commando uniform, and when it was time to take the transport, to go in the bathroom and throw the sonder commando uniform out the window. Get on the transport as a regular prisoner.  At the transport they had a list of everyone who is supposed to be going, but not who is supposed to be killed. Prisoners that were supposed to be killed, were prisoners that had been tortured, and if they were killed, they could not talk about the torture if they were taken by the Russians or Americans. My friend was safe, and he survived. I tried to pay to the people, a friend or someone else that came to me.

Two things now I would like to mention. Once it was lunch time and I wanted to deliver the slips that they have a package, so they would go the next day and pick up the package. That was during the lunch time, so I ate my lunch first and then went to the infirmary. The infirmary at that time was a long way away in the new part of the concentration camp Gross Rosen. When they called the lunch roll call, I was in the building way over there, and I did not hear that. They had a bell, and the SS or camp upper people would hit it with a metal bar, to call roll call. I did not hear that, maybe I was inside talking to the people and the room was too loud. Someone called me that the bell for roll call had been rung. If you are not there, in two minutes they know who is not there and they are looking for you. I got out of the infirmary and was running over there. There was higher and then a few steps, and higher and then a few steps, and higher and then a few steps, and when I got there, I told the one in charge, ‘I am sorry for my negligence not being here, I was in the infirmary, I distributed the slips for packages, and did not hear the bell.’ I said, ‘you told us that we are here to work, let them eat what they got in the packages, get healthy, and go back to work.’ He just grinned and he just said, ‘did you not hear the bell?’ I said, ‘no.’ He looked around and it was all prominents there, Block Alteste, Block Fuhrers, and Oberkapos, and they all knew me very well. He said, ‘you put up a new bell. The bell should be loud enough that everyone can hear the bell.’ The Lager Alteste, still a prisoner, but in charge of all the blocks, said, ‘he was late five minutes, so he should get five across his back.’ After the roll call the Block Alteste put me in a device which holds you bent over and I got beaten, five to the back. In comparison to what I experienced in Radom during the interrogation, it was not too bad.

Later on, we keep getting packages, but it was not the same for every block. Some blocks had more privileged people, prominents, than others. Also, some blocks did harder work and needed more to eat, and this was recognized by the management over there. We were supposed to get five barrels, a certain amount for breakfast, lunch, and dinner, but since they were getting food from packages or other sources, it did not all get eaten. Taking the extra to other barracks did not work, because the other barracks were already going out to work. At that time everyone was going to work, whether you ate or not and we had three extra barrels. I had an idea. I went to the Block Alteste and asked if the extra barrels could be sent to the newcomer’s block, the quarantine. No packages were coming to them yet, because they had not been there very long, and the camp was not prepared for them, so there was not enough food for them. He said, ‘fine.’ I knew the Alteste from the quarantine, so I said to him, ‘when you send people to get your barrels, send people to this block and get our extra barrels and have people check other blocks for their extra barrels.’ He was delighted, and sometimes he ended up with twice as much as was allocated for them. It did not cost them any more money, they knew how many people were in the camp, they knew how many barrels were needed, the only thing is the distribution was a little different and no one was hurt. I did really a good thing, and the man in charge of the block was at my house to visit me, in Germany after the war. He was so happy to see me, you cannot imagine. He said, ‘Thank you Marian, you really helped.

One time I was talking to a good friend, that was allowed to send out letters. He sent letters to his family all the time. I asked him a favor, ‘how about one month, one letter, instead of sending to your mother, you send one to someone in my family. Not my mother, because they will be looking for that, but some other relation of mine. I am not allowed to write letters, but I will write the letter and you sign it. She knows my handwriting, so she will know that I am alive.’ He said, ‘yes I will send it.’ The letter made it to an organization I had been involved with, and from that time on the organization was sending me packages. Two of the letters they preserved and gave me after the war. I received a letter, and that was not my department, I was in packages, and I was not supposed to get letters. The German that was in charge over there, knew I worked in the Post Stellar, he took the letter out and put it in his pocket. He gave it to me after work, he risked his life for me. I got the letter and it is from my two nieces, one is still alive. They write to me, very very dear uncle, we got the letter we will try to send you packages and me and my older sister are going to visit you in the camp in a short time, to talk to you to see how you look and how you are. Can you imagine how I feel? A friend of mine got a piece of bread in a package, so I took that off and inserted my sister’s address as the sender, and I put a letter in the package that said, ‘if you do not want to be where I am right now, and you don’t want to be where your father is,’ their father was dead, ‘forget about visiting.’ Then I marked it return to sender, and that was that. They got the package back in two days or so, and they forgot about visiting. Just the part in my letter, saying that they had received my letter, could have got me killed. It was a good thing it had not been read by the SS. The second thing is, my good friend in the camp, I knew him before the war. He was older, he worked in a wood mill, a factory to make alcohol, and so on. He was on the board of the high school I attended, he lived about ten miles from my house. I knew him from seeing him, but he did not know me, he knew my brother. He was also arrested and sent to Gross Rosen. Since he was organized with the higher landowners and higher people, they were worried that he may inform on them. He was rich before the war, but when he was arrested, he was beaten and hungry like any one of us. He was put to work in the stone quarry, they were beating him so badly that he could not take it anymore. He jumped from way up, but in jumping he broke both his hips but did not kill himself. After that they did not tell what happened, because what happened would reach other countries in Europe, where his rich connections lived. So, they had the camp doctors take care of him not to kill him.  They took care of him, they fed him, his friends gave him food from their packages, and people he knew before the war tried to help him. I would go to visit him from time to time, but not often because I was busy with my job. One time I went over there and I saw the man who had spied on me, he was in the next bed, they were talking and joking and such, but he was a spy though. One day I stopped over there extra when no one else was and I told him that, so he would not tell anything about me. I told him, ‘You have to be careful because this man is a spy, I was informed.’ He said, ‘he is a nice man, he is fine.’ I said, ‘I told you that, what you do with that is up to you/’ The spy came up to me and asked me, ‘why you tell him that, whether it is true or not true, why?’ I said, ‘I understand you/’ What should I say, I am sorry, I am not sorry. But that was not true, it was true, so what else can I tell him. He could not use that against me.

Most of the time I was in difficult circumstances, but other people, even criminals, if they wanted to tell me something, they did that safe. I do not know what this spy told on me, but since they did not kill me, they could not hold it against me. Later on, we were getting some packages, we had to take the packages and put it over here and put it on a paper, all the address and so on. That took a few minutes sometimes because it was like scribbling or the writing had rubbed off already, so it was not to easy to read. Sometimes it took two minutes, sometimes three minutes, it depends how fast, for me it was fast, for some people did not want it to be fast. One day I was walking behind, and I see in front of me, one of the prisoners working there, tearing open the packages, putting his hand in, and if he feels something like sausages, taking it out and putting it in his mouth, I got his attention and looked at him and said, ‘what are you doing? You don’t do that, you have enough to eat, you know that is stealing from other prisoners that may be very hungry right now.’ He said, ‘what I am doing is none of your business, you have no right to tell me that.’ I grabbed him with both hands by the throat, and I said,’ if you will not stop that for once and forever, I will kill you. I will not go to anyone to complain, that is stealing, and for stealing you know what the penalty in the camp is, death. Don’t do that anymore!’ A few days later comes the man in charge of the packages area, an SS man, and he calls me to his office. He tells me to sit down, he says, ‘I had a visit in my office from another SS man, and he says, they got a letter and one of the names on it was the guy I caught stealing that time. The other was a Polish Volksdeutch, and in the letter it said that Marian, me, is working in the Post Stellar. For me, sending a letter out, or getting a letter, was the death penalty. He said, ‘I told them it is not true. Whether it is true or not I do not know, but Marian, I want to make sure you never do anything they can catch you on, because if so, you will be dead, and I will be a prisoner in this camp. Don’t tell them or anyone about this conversation, don’t mention even that we talked about it.’ It seemed to me, since I worked in the Post Stellar, that they did not suspect any wrongdoing, or I would be dead. The people involved in writing the letter were the ones stealing, and they wanted me dead, because the penalty for stealing in the camp was death, and they were afraid I would tell on them. When nothing happened to me, they knew that something is wrong. But they still stopped, because they were afraid, afraid that I would tell that they were stealing. Stealing in the camp was death penalty, it was not a law, but it was a custom. They stopped stealing, but I thought if he was a bad person in the camp, he was probably a bad person where he lived. The person I hired for the Post Stellar was a very honest man, a good person. I still survived, that through the SS man saved me. The one that stole, now in Poland he is a survivor, he is a hero. He has grandchildren and they made this man, with no honor, a hero. So, let him die as a hero, he knows, he remembers the truth.

Around the very first days of February 1945, they were burning the papers, it was supervised by the SS, the kapos, the Block Alteste’s, and the administration, and us they put on trains to other camps. At that time, already fifty miles from the camp, were already Russians, so they were evacuating the people from the camp. They left in the camp, and surprisingly they did not steal, the very sick people, including my friend who had jumped and broke his hips and when the Russians came, they found him alive. They took us in an open, uncovered wagon with two SS, and they told us to kneel and whoever stood up would be shot. After a day and a night some stood up and were shot and when they fell, others were sitting on them. There were also two carts that were covered. We could not see what was happening with them. First, we were in the Czech region, then the Austrian region, which is also the German region. They took us to Leitmeritz camp. I do not remember if it was two days, three days, four days, but we finally got there. I would say, I was in one of the last wagons, cars, in the back. They left one, or two, or three people in the cars that looked strong enough to take out all the dead in the car. They told me and someone else to stay. When the others were marched into the camp, they told us to go from one car to another and take the dead and line them up on the embankment of the railroad tracks. So, we did the job and then I thought, ok what happens now, they shoot us too? But not, they took us to the camp. You can’t imagine the joy I felt when I saw my two friends from the camp. They were not stopped to unload; they were already in the camp. They were standing by the gate of the camp with a bunch of people, and they jump on me, kiss me, hug me, they said, ‘Marian come with us,’ my friend that helped unload and I, and they took us to their quarters, we had to go take a shower first and we got fresh clothes, a shirt, underwear, and pants. When we got to their quarters, they pointed out our beds, and one of them said, ‘do you remember us?’ I said, ‘no.’ They said, ‘we are the two brothers that you brought all those packages to in Gross Rosen.’ They had been sent to Flossenberg and then when Leitmeritz opened they were sent over there and were prominents. They were higher up in the camp, one of them was in charge of the fire department over there, because there was a factory where they made ammunition. There were explosions from time to time, so they had a fire department.

          In Leitmeritz, my life was still, my friend’s life was still, but you had to work to not be killed. Arrived February 15, 1945 and became number 88728. They give you a job, the job they gave me, a friend arranged that for me, was a Kapo of a special commando that worked outside the camp. The commando was building a house, outside the camp, for the commander of the Lager, the Camp, an SS man who was in charge of the whole Lager. Because of the lack of materials, nothing was done by this special commando. So, what it was is, we went over there to do nothing, but it was official, because on a piece of paper such and such people were in the commando, and they were over there. A SS was assigned to watch us, and some of them were sixty-five, seventy years old. One of ours spoke German of course, but also spoke, Czech, also Russian and some Polish. He had been a prisoner over there during the First World War and learned Russian. He spoke to us in all the languages. He said, ‘I cannot say anything about over here, because I am here, because they put me here. Originally, I was called up to be in the Luftwaffe Guard, to guard the airfields. One day they took the whole unit and said you are going to the camp.’ They gave them all uniforms to change into, and then ok, they were part of the camp. To us he spoke honestly because he knew we would not betray him and tell anyone about that. ‘To me you can speak whatever, but when we are back at camp, you should keep it between yourselves. If my wife or my son or my two high school age daughters are around, don’t say anything against anything, they will report you immediately.’ So, when we go over there, we had nothing to do, we had tools, but we needed materials to build anything, so all around us were just old ladies living there. The men were gone in the military, the young girls were working in the factories, so all that was left was old ladies. So, we would chop wood and bring it to them. Sometimes they would give us bread, or a few potatoes, or beets, and something to cook in. We cooked it right there and gave portions to everyone, including the two SS men. It was not necessary, but just to have them on our side. If he would say we are not needed anymore, they would cancel the commando. I had a friend that worked with another Kapo, that did not think my friend was working hard enough or fast enough. He told him, ‘Ok tomorrow I will kill you, because you do not work good enough.’ So, later on he came to me and explained what happened and asked me if I could help. I took him in to my commando and sent someone else to replace him. I took him to protect him. If I told him not to come with me, he could say, Marian, what kind of a friend are you that would not save me when you could.

            The third one was a German Kapo of the electricians. He worked over in the quarry because they have electrical equipment over there. This kapo was a German, he was a very nice person over there, especially he, with help from Polish prisoners, built a radio, and would listen to the broadcasts from like, Radio Free Europe, Voice of America, and during working hours someone would stand outside and watch for someone coming. Someone must have said there was a radio, or someone was cleaning and found the radio, someone told the SS. They arrested him, tortured him, beaten him, and during this torture he did not give them one name about anything. He took it all on himself and told them, ‘he did it himself.’ He was asked, ‘who else knew about this.’ He told them, ‘He did not remember talking to anyone about it.’ The Russians were advancing, so they maybe did not have time to kill him, so they took him also to Leitmeritz. He could have been put with a commando where he might be killed, but I took him to my commando, so his life was saved. I could choose my own work crew because they did something good, or they saved someone in the camp that was doing good in the camp, so I helped save them. It was up to the almost end of April we were working this way.

It was so bad; people were going to the infirmary to be gassed to avoid the hunger. As the Russians moved forward there were a lot of people, Germans, trying to escape them and were going west. At that time Russians were already in Czechoslovakia, already in Prague, this the end of April. People thought the war is almost over, but it is not over yet, By the end of April, I can’t remember what date, we stopped going to work outside completely, no more. Because there were now so many people inside the camp there was not enough work, not enough food, so what they did was every day at morning role call they would assemble a commando of a thousand men and try to move them west. How far, where none of us knew anything. I believe it was on the fourth of May they assembled about a thousand men, including me, and said, we will go west. In not too far, maybe three or four miles we were near a village by the woods, and very many people went into the bushes. Fortunately, they did not have dogs with them at the time. As we went through the bushes we ended up in the forest. From the time we left the camp to the time we went into the forest was about four hours. There were not too many guards, and they were not shooting. There was no water, but if I remember right, we had a portion of food that was enough for one day, but not enough for two or three days. We stayed in the forest until the next morning and then went to the first village we seen, and it was a Czech village, we did not speak to them in German, we spoke Czech. By this time everyone knew the war was almost over and when it is over there will be peace and we will have everything we need. So, they fed us, and we told them that we were afraid that because of our clothes, someone would shoot us. So, they said okay, take off all the clothes and we will burn them, and they gave us normal clothes instead. We had gone to the first house we came to and they had told us where to go to who is in charge of the village. We went to him, and they treated us very hospitably, very fine, very nice. At that time, we took a bath, and they gave us underwear and clothes. We ate there, and we stayed over there, we were not able to walk very much after the whole day, so we stayed overnight. The village was a farmer’s village and when the German’s were there, they were accountable to supply a certain percentage to them. At the end of the war, the German’s left and they could now do what they wanted with their stuff. They gave us good food, very good, much better than in the camps. We had real bread and real butter, and cheese, so we were not hungry. We did not worry about eating, because we knew to only eat a little, so our bodies had time to adjust. When it came to meat, we did not take much of the meat or much of the fat, because we knew what it would do. They gave us beans, and we could eat a lot of that because we knew how it would affect our stomach. We were very careful, very careful. Things like soup or potatoes we ate a lot. We ate a lot of soup because that was filling. At the time we did not know what happened with the Russians in Poland. The Germans advertised the things the Russians did to the Polish people, but that may not be true.

So, we said, ‘let’s go west and we will see about going back to Poland later, maybe we will go to France or England.’ Going west we came eventually to the border line between Czechoslovakia and Germany. The Russians were going west, and the Americans were occupying the territory and two American soldiers stopped us and told us, ‘No, you cannot go through. Unless you have authority from the German and Russian authorities you cannot go through.’ We were talking to a Czech officer there, and he wanted to know what is going on, and we explained what we were trying to do. He said, ‘come with me,’ and walked us away from the American soldiers. He pointed to some trees about a half mile away and said, ‘do you see those trees? They are not leaving this spot; the next check point is fifteen miles away. If you go back to the town and wait for it to get a little darker and take the other road out of town, it will take you by the trees. You can go through the trees and across the field and get to where you are going.’ So, we went back to the village and ate something, and we went to cross the field. There were two sections of land where it was owned by two people. One side was wheat, the other side was potatoes, and in the middle between the sections it was grass. So, we took the path like that, and we went for maybe five hours, and we came to the next village and that was already Germany. We stayed overnight and the next day we asked where there were other Polish people? They pointed in a direction and said, ‘there is a DP camp, Displaced Person’s Camp over there, called Aumburg. So, we went to there about four or five hours away. We saw American trucks as we got there, it was previously quarters for German military. Already there, was a Polish army Major that had been in the underground and the Polish home army, and he was in charge of the camp, and was getting it organized because it had only existed two or three weeks. This part of Germany was already taken sooner. I had arrived there at the almost end of May. All the way there during the two to three weeks it took to get here from Leitmeritz, when we got hungry, we stopped at a house to eat, and everyone was very friendly and fed us. Even when we went to German houses, they were friendly, they did not have much, but fed us. In Czechoslovakia the people would give us cigarettes for while we were walking. In Germany they did not have cigarettes, and what they did have was very bad because of the war. The road we were walking on was very much attended to by Americans with trucks, jeeps, and pickup trucks, it was well known that they had cigarettes, sometimes they were talking to people, friends, and such, and they would take only two or three drags and throw it out. We picked up those cigarettes and smoked them, this went on until we reached the DP camp. When we got there, they gave us food and forms to fill out to change our address and gave us shoes. From the time we escaped from the march, until we reached the camp, everyone we ran into was very friendly and helpful, they fed us, clothed us, gave us a place to sleep, and unlimited use of their water to bathe in or drink. When you got soap in a package, it was like a treasure. Outside the camp, they had soap, it might not have been good soap, but it was good enough to bathe with. Before we got to the DP camp, it was mostly potatoes, cabbage, bread, or something like that, for us, it was excellent. At first, we did not eat that much, because our stomachs were not used to it, but eventually we got used to it and ate normal portions.

There were many people trying to get into the camp and trying to be placed with their ethnic group. The new German authorities organized the housing that way, there was Polish housing and many others. In the American zone of Germany, the Americans allowed the Germans to run the camp, the same German bureaucrats that were part of the Nazi government. In the camp, you got food and a place to sleep. If you wanted good coffee, good tea, or good cigarettes, that you would get from the black market. There was a registration process. You had to go to a building and give all your information. They wanted documentation about your life, but of course, you did not have any because you were in a concentration camp, but you had lots of friends that could verify things. There were always a lot of people that knew you. Different camps started issuing documentation, they gave you an ID card. There were many Polish people that were taken out of Poland to work in Germany. If they did not work, they were killed or sent to a concentration camp. They did not have schools, they did not have churches, they didn’t have any kind of organized living. In the Displaced Person’s Camp there were also children. They were already five or six and should be in school already, but they did not start school yet. Whole families were shipped to Germany from Poland. In Germany the churches were closed to these people, the slave people. So, what that means, is in the camp we had to organize schools, from kindergarten, grade school, and high school, and churches. Some people had started to go home like, French people went to France, Italians went to Italy, and for Jewish people that went to special camps to be shipped sooner. They were given preferential treatment because of what was done to them during the war. Polish people had to be screened, because not many countries wanted them. The first country that wanted them was Belgium. They did this to have workers for the coal mines, to go into the coal mines, so they were the first ones. The second one accepted was Australia, Australia, also accepted Germans and Volksdeutch. Germans and Ukrainians that worked for the Germans, or even German soldiers went to Canada. They did not accept SS. In the camp there was a German doctor in charge of providing medical care, and there was also a Polish doctor that was a Displaced Person, so we had medical care. The prisoners themselves organized groups to help with mental health issues and to help people assimilate back into society. There were classes for languages, English, French, and such. People did not know what language to learn, because they did not know what part of the world would accept them. The Americans at that time did not put to much pressure on Germany, because they might be their allies against Russia. They felt they needed to work with the Germans right now because we may need them. There were people that would go to farms, get a cow, kill the cow, cook the cow, and sell the meat at the camp, they were making money, with the black market, they tried to get rich, they tried to eat well, they tried to live well. The Germans went to the Americans and complained, and the Americans said, ‘okay, put barbed wire around the camp.’ It was different from the concentration camp, because if I did something wrong, no one beat me or killed me, but I was no longer free to go out when I want. I could go out, but I had to go to the office and tell them where I was going, why I was going, what time I will be back, and what business I had there. I could not just tell them I was going sightseeing or such. So, it was a life without a purpose. The Polish people that were Polish government officials went around talking to the people about going back to Poland. A whole transport left for Poland. Many of the people that went over there, not immediately, but maybe a month, or two months, or three months were arrested. Life in the camps was bad, that is why they went to the coal mines and to Poland.

People looked for other military installations in less populated areas. So, they could go there and not have so many restrictions, but to go anywhere you needed permission. If I said I wanted to go somewhere and I got permission but did not return on time, I have nowhere to work, nowhere to sleep, nothing to eat, I have nothing, so that was not an option. If I wanted to go by train, I had to have permission, without that I could not go very far. Even the soldiers had to have orders to take a train. The officials in Poland were trying to get people to come back, but they were afraid to come back. In the Russian zone, they were forcing the people to go back. We knew how bad it would be, so a lot of people killed themselves instead of going back. At that time there were still large amounts of military supplies, ammunition, and such. Many American soldiers had gone home, so they needed people to guide the shipments to where they had to go, so they gave that job to the Polish people. At that time, I went into a military unit to be trained for this. We went for training in the fall of 1945, and we went on duty in 1946, and up to 1947, I was in the American army. At this same time, in Poland, the Russians were taking whole villages and sending them to Siberia. In 1945, I married my wife and in 1946, our daughter Mary Anne was born in Germany, it was a very busy time in my life. I was in the American army and my wife and daughter were in the Displaced Person’s Camp, until later on when I was transferred to a base with living quarters, and I was able to get my wife. While I was in the army, Aumburg was closed down and my wife, that I met and married in Aumburg was transferred. She was involved with scouts and was made scout leader. At this time everyone was thinking about what to do back in civilian life, after being out of circulation for five years. One man was going to be a carpenter, so I found where the carpenters were in the village and asked. ‘Can you use one man more?’ I organized an apprenticeship program and they liked it, carpenters, electricians, plumbers, black smiths, etc. The people were so busy there was no time for cleaning duties or bed change duties. There was not a place to get things, so I said, ‘let’s make a small coop there, so people could buy or sell things, and they put one person in charge. We did not have enough money to buy, but we were able to buy with cigarettes. You could use German marks or American dollars. I even devised an accounting system for them. Most of them, did not have a high school education and some did not have a grade school education, because as children they were taken out, and now it was five years later. So, the accounting system had to be so simple, that anyone could do that. Myself, I needed to get my PhD., so I spent my time at the headquarters taking classes, while my wife and my daughter was born already, they stayed at the unit. Some Saturdays and Sundays I spent with my family and some I spent at the library, if I stayed six months longer, I would have my PhD. At one point the Americans decided that instead of giving the jobs to Polish people, to give them to the Germans. I needed money to support my family, my wife and daughter, so I went back to the unit and we decided we would go to another DP camp. In a rural forested area where there were a couple thousand other Polish people over there already. Over there, I also tried to organize a coop movement. There was an American colonel over there that asked my background, I told him and was given a job as the secretary, and a few months later the Polish authorities for the American, French, and British zones, made me chief liaison officer of the Polish group, there were four people working for me and we were to organize getting an education for the Polish people. The group was trying to convince the Americans to let so many Polish people come to the United States. They had to have an education from here, a job to go to over there, and someone there to guarantee they would be taken care of financially. I did not want to go to Poland, because of the communist takeover, so I did not see my family in Poland again until 1966. At that time, I was willing to go anywhere to get out of there. I was working with the American military, and I knew an American Sargent that I had talked to in different subjects, and he was from Cleveland. I mentioned to him that I had family in Toledo, and he told me Cleveland was very close. He asked me, ‘why don’t you write to them?’ I told him, ‘I did not know the whole address, just Toledo.’ He said, ‘why don’t you write the letter, and I will write on the envelope for them to check and find the address.’ I wrote the letter. I remembered from back in Poland that it was Toledo. My mother had three sisters that moved to Toledo, before the first world war. Before this war, I remembered they were all still alive, my mother and them wrote letters back and forth. So, in the letter, I explained the situation and told them if they get this letter, write me back and I will explain more. They delivered the letter. So, they made the assurance of a place of shelter at their house and a job. They went to the Toledo Hospital, and they signed saying I had a job there, and on May fourth, 1950, we came to Toledo.

We came by boat. I was well known by the officers and staff before I left and tried to arrange for other Polish people to come to the Unites States, without the assurances. So, when we departed to the place we would be departing from, we were welcomed very nicely because they knew me. The departure kept getting delayed and it was close to when our permissions would expire. When we finally left, they put me down as a Reverend, because there were not enough crew members people had to work on the ship, as a Reverend I would not have to peel potatoes and stuff. I did not know they did that, but they put extra that so I would not be called to work. We came to Ellis Island and went through the processing, and were in New York the whole day, and that night a friend of mine from Poland and a cousin were there to meet us and go with us to Toledo. When we arrived at the train station in Toledo there were about ten family members there waiting to welcome us.

            When I came to the United States, people did not like to hear that. People do not like to hear atrocities made on someone else. They could not believe, maybe it happened, maybe it did not happen, Marian, you are such a fine fellow, if you say that is how it was, so maybe that is how it was. An uncle told me that we know it was bad. We had to eat chicken for a couple of years, because the beef was going to the military. Is that a comparison, is that understanding, what it was like in a concentration camp? The children we did not speak about it, because we did not want them to be angry, wherever they go, their friends, their classmates, they could be German. What is more, we did not want to think about that, we wanted to forget that. I tried to work, day and night not to think about that. If I had been arrested, I would be back there at that moment. I would work until I was exhausted so when I fell asleep, I would not think about that. In the morning I had to get up, and maybe that is the same today. Survivors did not want to speak about that, and some did not let people know they were survivors. In factories and big offices, if there was a survivor there, they did not speak of that, no one wanted to hear about that, production, that was the only thing. So why to talk about something where no one is interested in. I did not and could not talk about it until three or four years ago. Even today, talking to you about this makes me think about things that are hard for me.

When I went back to visit Poland, by this time the roads had been built. They needed that. But I asked myself, how many people were in jail, how many people were arrested and sent to the gulag by the communists, that was bad. If one were in the concentration camp or the gulag, was one atrocity bigger or smaller? My friend was arrested and put in a mental institution, in restraints, for eleven years and then was sent a letter saying he was arrested illegally, and then set free. How do you compare the two? If you were arrested for resistance, it is not only you that would pay, but your family, and sometimes others would as well. The world knew what was going on early on. Karski, coming to the United States and England, he knew already what was going on. He told that in London to the Polish government, one of the representatives killed himself in protest that the United States and England were doing nothing to help the Polish Jews. Karski told Roosevelt, he told the Jewish World Congress, you could not say they did not know. There should have been some kind of a mission to stop what was happening to the Jews, maybe bombing a major German city, something. Maybe it would do nothing, but at least they tried, they did not do anything, that is bad.

Many people came to the United States and still do not have American citizenship, and lately they are making it more and more difficult. If you take into consideration, that Poland was the only one to fight back. Poland had a treaty with England and France that they would fight to the last one if Poland was attacked, they did not do that. Poland at that time was a world inspiration. Poland as given away to Russia. Same thing was with Hungary, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, part of Germany, not that they had to do that, Stalin asked for it and they give it. When Germany invaded Poland, the Nazi government made laws everyone had to follow. One of the conditions of the surrender of Germany, should have been to inviolate all these laws. Although it is not enforced, the law still says, Polish people that help Jews will be killed. Your brother was killed, he helped Jews. Your father was killed, he was against Nazis. That is still on the books. Can I forget that? Can I forgive that? I do not know, no one has asked me for forgiveness yet. I worked and was told I will not get paid because I was against the Hitler regime, I don’t like.

Aside from Nazis, all people should only be responsible for their own actions, if they were Nazis or were not Nazis, that is not important. If they were guilty of actions, Nazi or not Nazi, they should be punished. I had one German engineer saved my life. I had one SS, that may have killed hundreds or a thousand, he saved my life. I cannot and do not want to judge them. This SS knowingly risked his life and reputation to save me. There was one Polish that before the war was in the police in Warsaw, he had a Polish name but in fact was Ukrainian but worked for the Polish police. He was bad, when he arrested someone, he beat them himself or report them. After the war he was arrested and even when someone was given a life sentence, or fifty years, or thirty years, after two or three years they were released. In Gross Rosen there was one that was very bad, but since he was German, he was not punished. Now, if I ran into a guard or SS man from my experience, I would call the police to investigate him. In Chicago there was a trial of a guard from Gross Rosen, I was called as a witness. I was not asked about him, I was asked about the conditions over there, and I broke down. The first thing I would say you know, is the criminal activity of all of them was so high, so big, they should never be released. It should not be ten years, thirty years, fifty years, it should be until they die. The punishment should be to punish. Those expelled from the United States to Germany, they are the heroes for what they did over there. They get their pension, so no one, I would say, gave them any punishment. What kind of punishment are they getting? They say that since I was Polish and against the Nazis I should not be compensated for my work. The criminals, if they died, their wife and children get his pension. What kind of justice it is? If their actions did something bad, they should be punished. If their actions did something good that should be taken into account. If they are found guilty while in the United States, maybe they should not be deported because they will not be punished, maybe they should be punished here. But then the question is, how should they be punished in the United States? Witness testimony is still credible, of course it is, of course it is. The government here was not without guilt either, so what should be done about that? The United States hired Nazis and people that worked for the Nazis, paid them big money to use their knowledge, and they are free to do what they want here. If we forget our moral responsibility because of the political conditions, that is bad. I do not want to fault God for what happened, but I don’t want to absolve him either. If religious leaders had done their job, it might have been different, but what happened was done by man, it was man’s fault. If religious leaders had spoken out loud enough, against the Nazis, things may have been different. I cannot say it was the fault of God, but maybe if all the religious leaders would have gotten together, and pressed the government, perhaps things would have been different. I don’t blame God; I blame the people. The Holocaust is still with me and still affects me, and it affects me badly. I had prepared to live in Poland, to be a planner of the economy, to help plan a new future, I had a future over there. I could have done something I like, something I love, and maybe worked miracles. I started here in a laundry, I had to wash the clothes, put in the chemicals, dry the clothes, and give them to the ladies working over there to finish with. I went to work in a factory, but I had no feeling in my fingers since the interrogation and I still don’t have, I could not compete with anyone over there, so I started to do labor for seventy-five cents an hour. I was trained to be a CPA, what do they get an hour, $50 to $200, and what was I working for. Was I affected? Am I affected today? Yes, my family had to also work at that time to help support us. My daughter worked the whole time she was in college. In the United States, did I make any wealth, no, what I always tried to do was help other people. My wife was also a Holocaust survivor, so it affected her almost the same as me. My daughter was part of it as well, so she too was affected. How can it not affect every Holocaust survivor, if they had witnessed the deaths of a hundred, a thousand, or a hundred thousand people? Is that possible, can I say I am the same person as I was in 1939, before the war? Is it possible to say that how I feel about people, war, ideas, would still be the same? There is a bond between other survivors, our experiences changed all of us. I think survivors should get together maybe once every three months, or once a year, although not necessarily to share experiences, but to see each other. It would be nice to know, this one is from this camp and that one is from that camp, just to share time with people with a common bond. Okay gentleman, we survived, let’s have a glass of wine, or a pierogi or something else, let us have not a good time because of why the ones that are here, are here, let’s have appreciation of ourselves. I tell people about my experiences, not to instill hate, but to make people aware of what can happen.  

I came to the United States in May of 1950, with my wife and daughter, that was three and a half years old. My English was very poor, people could understand me, but I could not understand them, so it was hard to get a job. I told my family; I want to go to work. What kind of work? I had assurance of a job at Toledo Hospital. My cousin was working at Overland, now Jeep, both of my cousins were working there. So, my cousin called the hospital and explained the situation, and they said come in. I went in and they told me the only job they have available is in the laundry, would I accept it. I said yes, even though it was the lowest paying job in the hospital, but anything, yes. After all we had to live on something, I did not want to go on welfare, we did not believe in welfare. So, it was taking all the stuff from the hospital, the bedding and such, and wash it. The man in charge of the laundry taught me everything he knew about doing laundry. I learned very fast. After two weeks, he asked for a two-week vacation and they said, ‘ok, but during your two weeks, who will be in charge of the laundry?’ He said, ‘Oh Marian can do that, he is very knowledgeable.’ I said yes, although there was no higher pay for that. I was there maybe a month, and we worked seven days a week, forty-eight hours a week. Since the pay was not enough, I looked for another job, while working in the laundry.

I asked my uncle, who worked at Overland, if he knew of anyone hiring, and he said, ‘I heard they were hiring at Doehler Jarvis,’ which is a factory that for a long time was managed by the Germans. Almost all of the higher people were of German descent. I had an hour lunch at the hospital, so I went to Doehler Jarvis on my lunch and asked if I could have an application. The people that made those decisions, were of course at lunch. The girls that were there did not have much to do with that, but I started to talk to them. With my broken English, they could not understand me, and I could not understand them. Three or four of them got together and tried to figure out what that means and tell each other. At that time a man comes in and goes to his office and sees three of them with me, and he asks, ‘what is the problem over there?’ They tell him, ‘He does not fully understand us, and we don’t fully understand him.’ He comes over smiling and says, ‘what other languages do you speak? I said, ‘Polish and German.’ He starts speaking to me in perfect German. He tells me to come with him into his office and starts asking me about myself, and I told him and showed him my papers. I told him my hour lunch is over and I have to go to work, but I need to have a job. He said. ‘You have the job already, I am the top man here, and I have accepted you already.’ All our conversations were conducted in German.  Since I had not quit the hospital, the best shift for me would be third shift. He let me know third shift paid more because it was a night shift.

I went to the office at the hospital and told them I will be starting over there tonight. He said, ‘I will pay you what they are paying you.’ I said, ‘I asked you yesterday and you said no, and this man will be waiting at the gate for me tonight. They asked if I will work for them too, until they found someone. They found someone from a commercial laundry, but he needed to learn hospital laundry. In a commercial laundry the stuff gets cleaned, but to them, it does not matter how long it will last. In a hospital laundry it is day after day and the stuff had to last, not get ruined by chemicals. It takes more time but will not destroy the material itself. I worked with him from July, when I started at Doehler Jarvis, until the end of December. I worked two jobs all this time and at Doehler Jarvis I was working very very hard. Everyone wanted me on their crew because I was one of the hardest workers, I did twice as much as the other ones. I worked over there until March 1952.

I got involved in an organization that worked with the Polish Government in Exile in London. None of the governments got subsidies, so they got money from donations, none of the officials got paid, but had other expenses. I went to the Polish only weekly newspaper here and asked if they would put an article in that I write, to support the Polish Government in Exile? He said, ‘I am going to the hospital, I do not know how long I will be there, so I do not know how long it will be before I can print that. When I get out, we can get together and talk. Any donations will be sent here, and we will send it to them in London.’ One month passed, I got no answer. Two months passed, I got no answer, so three months I said I will call him, so I did. And he said he was thinking of me and would like to talk to me. He said I will send my cousin to pick you up, and he will bring you to my home, so we can talk. Five minutes later he was at my door. I went over there, and we talked, and he said, ‘he will put in the paper whatever I want, but one thing is, you will be working for me as an accountant.’ I said, ‘I can’t do that I am working over there, and I would have to talk to my wife about the money.’ He said, ‘I will pay you what you are making over there plus ten dollars a week more.’ Three days later he calls me over to the office and says, ‘Okay, you will work for me, I will give you the combination to the safe and such.’ he was saying this as his old accountant is walking out. The keys are on the table and he says, ‘okay you start working.’ I said, ‘okay there are checks to write and bills to be paid every month, so I better try and figure out all that has to be done.’ I told my boss at Doehler Jarvis, and he said, ‘give me one year and you will be working in the accounting office here.’ But the other one needs help and his accountant is gone, so what to do. So, I said, no, I am going to work over there in my field.

I went over there, and I found out the accountant before had made changes to the books, so I would not be able to follow things. This was March fifteenth, a month later reports were due for Federal government, State government, and the local government. The books were in several different places and there were several mistakes that were made on purpose, like adding wrong on a page, then transferred to different places. There were places where payrolls had been paid, but taxes were not taken out. He on purpose didn’t do that. He thought I would not be able to find all the mistakes and the owner would have to call him back and pay him twice as much to do the job. So, I did all that and fixed everything and did the reports. I worked over there with the owner and the office manager. Suddenly in 1955, he was eating breakfast and had a heart attack and died. He was married a second time to the sister of the first wife. He had put everything to go to his daughter who was only seven or eight years old, so her mother, his first wife, got that. She did not understand anything how to run that. Her brother who owned a publishing company ran it, and he would call me every day to ask me how to do this and that. One day he said, ‘Marian, why don’t you buy the company, since you know how to run it, and pay so much a month until you own it.’ I don’t have any money, but he sold me and three people the shares, mine on payments, so there were four people. One day one of the people said, ‘I only bought these to help you. So why don’t you take my shares, and you can pay me when you can.’ I talked to my wife and she was ok with it and we managed to pay off both of them. I went there as a bookkeeper, and then manager, and then president and I was running the company until 1961. I had to close it, because the cost of labor got so high, we could not make a profit. So, I took some time to rest and got unemployment compensation, and after three months I decided to start looking for a job.

I saw in the paper a job and when I went for the interview, the interviewer had escaped from Germany just before the war started and came to Toledo as a child. So, in 1962, ha had already grown up and was working in the personnel department. All my materials from Germany was in German and he looked it over and said, ‘okay you have a job.’ It was so easy. Me having been in the concentration camps and he being a Jew, he was very sympathetic. He said, ‘of all the candidates I have seen, you are the only one that has impressed me.’ The only thing in question was my language. There was a question of whether or not I would be able to communicate efficiently with the customers. After all this, I got the job of location technician for an Urban Renewal project. The federal government was buying the houses from the people that were there, they were taking down the old housing to build a public housing project, the school and church nearby, got a parking lot and playground they did not have before. My job was to interview the homeowner and to inspect the house to see if it was up to code, it had to be up to code. I go to my first interview, the lady had already agreed to sell the house, she agreed on the price, she told me the house had been inspected and it is up to code, so what do I want with her? I didn’t know the codes, I did not know the housing market, I did not know what to tell her. I could not tell her I do not know, I had nothing to say. I had to learn these things, and I took courses as an audit, I did not get credit for it, I did not have to pay, just to sit and listen. I had to go to the Health Department to learn the codes. I said to the man in charge, ‘Okay, you have three days to teach me everything I need to know, everything your people know, and what I am to do.’ I was with him and his department for about a month on and off, on and off. I had my daughter call and find out how many credits were the courses I already took, I was already recognized for my time at the newspaper, and the school in Warsaw sent me all of my records. By the time I finished my courses, it was only two or three weeks before my wife died. I got my real estate license, not to sell houses, that I did not have time for, but to help people find houses and to know the value of the houses the government was buying. In ten months, they put me in charge of the project. The person that was in charge, got a promotion and I got the job. There were other people in the office, Americans, some of them were in the American army, it should go to one of them. After I was there, they sent me to manage the River View project, in downtown Toledo, then the Iron Ville project, a Hungarian German neighborhood. All these projects, we had to buy this land from the owners, relocate the owners, and pay them for the inconvenience. When I turned sixty-five, they retired me. Two days later I got a job, through the city, with Neighborhood Housing. I got excellent cooperation, even from the drug dealers. We were loaning them money to buy houses and improve houses, we did what no bank would do, we gave them a second chance. We tried to help them, and they recognized that. When they came to my office, I always called them Mr. or Mrs. or so. Once someone shot at me in my office, I have a picture of the broken glass. On the other hand, I could go to the office at twelve o’clock at night and no one would touch me.

That was my life until last year, I decided I want to go visit Poland, and I said, ‘okay, that is enough.’ Financially I am comfortable, it could always be more, but I am ok with that. I try to give my time to my children when I can see them, and I am happy. We all talked about how to divide my stuff, when I pass, and I said no, lets divide it now while I am alive. I do speaking engagements, and I pay my expenses out of my pocket. I would not take pay for that. When my time comes and I die, I want to give my organs, whatever is still useable, to someone else, anyone else. I had my life and everything I had I got from the almighty God, and people. There were many people that if not for them I would not be alive. The Holocaust was the tragedy of the ages.

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